KENYA

Reports on Ethnic Relations  /  Rapports sur les relations éthniques

The following section is consisted of part, full or summaries of articles from diverses sources (newspapers, newsletters, etc...).
La section suivante est constituée d'exraits, de la totalité ou de résumés d'articles provenant d'origines diverses (journaux,bulletins, etc..).

11 / 25 / 2002

THE EAST AFRICAN (Kenya)

The Article: "Why Kenyan voters rose against 'Titans'"

KENYA VOTERS showed the door to a host of prominent politicians in primaries held last week to choose parliamentary and civic candidates for various political parties in the December 27 general election.

Key casualties in the nominations were some of President Daniel arap Moi's long-time proteges, recent defectors across political parties and, notably, leaders who had come to be identified with Kanu presidential torchbearer Uhuru Kenyatta.

The reasons for voter disenchantment with the various categories of leaders range from personality flaws to failure to initiate development projects, a euphemism for inability to organise constituents to collectively address their most pressing needs.

The rejects are from both Kanu and opposition ranks, indicating that voters are now judging leaders for what they do and not the package they come in, according to analysts. Key losers on the Kanu side included Cabinet Minister Kipng'eno arap Ng'eny, provocative politician Kihika Kimani and President Moi's eldest son Jonathan.

Mr Ng'eny, a former chief executive of Kenya's telecommunications parastatal, appeared to have lost substantial ground within Kanu ranks on March 18, when President Moi imposed him on delegates as the party's treasurer.

According to sources, Mr Ng'eny had never struck up a rapport with the electorate, which felt that even in the 1997 general election, Moi had imposed him on them. Also going against Mr Ng'eny were allegations of fraud during his tenure at the Kenya Posts and Telecommunications Corporation, which saw him arraigned in court.

Mr Kenyatta is campaigning on a youth and integrity platform, points which Mr Ng'eny was unlikely to score highly on. He lost the Ainamoi seat to former CID director Noah arap Too, paying dearly for his initial opposition to Mr Kenyatta's nomination as Kanu's presidential candidate.

Another minister, Isaac Ruto, lost his parliamentary nomination for being a close ally of Kipkalya Kones, who has ditched Kanu for Ford People, led by Simeon Nyachae. Mr Ruto had in the recent past considered joining the opposition as word went round that he was due for the sack.

Pretensions to founding a dynasty by the quixotic Mr Kimani saw him whitewashed in the nominations for the Naivasha seat. His loss was significant since the politician appeared to have bitten off more than he could chew, fronting two of his eight wives to contest parliamentary seats in two other neighbouring constituencies.

The most critical factor for Mr Kimani's loss was lack of resources to oversee logistics for the three campaigns, with the trio having no agents in most polling stations. That also pointed to waning grassroots support attributed to his irritating public utterances and his association with Mungiki, a violent sect that Mr Kenyatta has sought in vain to dissociate himself from.

Jonathan's loss, however, points to deep differences within President Moi's family. He was contesting the Eldama Ravine seat without the blessings of his father, who wanted his close aide and chairman of the Co-operative Bank of Kenya, Hoseah Kiplagat, to stand for it.

Baringo Central, which President Moi has represented for nearly half a century, was being reserved for the president's youngest son, Gideon, who other siblings claim is preferred by the father, despite a past marked by allegations of scandal in various business transactions.

Wrapped within the family feud is the role of president Moi's personal aide, Joshua Kulei, who is said to have an overwhelming hold on the president, an influence which Gideon has been trying to minimise in vain. In return, Mr Kulei has won some of Moi's children to his side against Gideon.

Other key defectors who lost in the Kanu primaries were Cabinet minister Mwangi Githiomi and outgoing MP Stephen Ndicho. While Githiomi flopped due to a "poor development record," his recent defection to Kanu had not gone down well with the electorate, which has in the past two elections voted for the opposition.

When Githiomi entered parliament through a by-election, the government cancelled a rural electrification programme for his Kipipiri constituency, apparently piqued because its candidate had lost.

Defectors to the opposition National Rainbow Coalition, particularly from Rift Valley province, also had a rude awakening.

The losers included a former army commander, Rtd Gen Augustine Cheruiyot, Moi's relative Kiptum Choge and a former diplomat, Samson Chemai. The three lost for lack of grassroots presence, with Gen Cheruiyot said to be fairly aloof. The electorate blames him for not recruiting locals into the army when he was at the helm.

Kanu has also adopted a strategy of its followers supporting weaker opposition candidates so that Kanu candidates get a smoother run in the December 27 election proper while ensuring the party nominates the strongest contender for all the seats.

A strategy paper addressed to a State House aide on November 18 by a Nakuru activist, for instance, proposes that the Kanu winner, David Sudi, should be supported by the loser, Boaz Kaino. Kanu fears that Mr Kaino might mobilise support for the opposition.

Other key losers were Lawrence Sifuna, Peter Oloo Aringo, Matu Wamae and Matere Keriri, politicians who have been involved in Kenyan politics for the past two decades. Mr Wamae and Mr Keriri were dislodged despite being close allies of Mr Kibaki, allegedly for being "aloof" from voters.

However, their fall arose from lack of influence peddling by Mr Kibaki under an arrangement among the 15 parties affiliated to Narc under which the top leaders, having been assured of automatic free nomination, would not interfere with nominations in other constituencies.

It was Mr Aringo who made a mark in the Eighth Parliament by bringing in legislation that will effectively make parliament independent of the executive.

Mr Aringo's fall was attributed to his being a "Nairobi" politician who dwelt on national issues, disregarding constituency issues.

11 / 24 / 2002

THE NATION (Nairobi)

The Article: "Chaos, fury and protests in election run-up"

Nairobi Violent protests, confusion and nullification of nomination results characterised the third day the party primaries.

Mwenge House, the headquarters of Narc, was attacked and its windows shattered by a gang that had gone to demand a nomination certificate for Kasarani nominee William Omondi.

Kanu head office cancelled the results in all of Nairobi's eight provinces as well as Naivasha and Ol Kalou and ordered fresh polls.

At the Kenyatta International Conference Centre party offices, the President's son, Mr Jonathan Toroitich, was among the losers who were petitioning the results, claiming that the poll had been rigged.

Violence marred the Ford-P primaries in Kisii and the election coordinator announced the cancellation of results in the 10 constituencies and ordered fresh elections today. The winners protested at that decision and vowed not to take part in the repeat poll.

In the meantime, Rangwe MP Dr Shem Ochodho was among the casualties in the nominations which have claimed many big names. The poll was won by former Kenya Broadcasting Corporation managing director Mr Phillip Okundi.

Dr Ochuodho, however, told the Sunday Nation that he did not take part in the primaries because Narc had promised him automatic nomination. Narc director of elections Alex Mureithi would not comment.

At KICC, furious hopefuls complained of irregularities ranging from importation of voters, use of bogus returning officers, fake forms, political thuggery and bribery.

They camped at KICC demanding repeat nominations and nullification of results.

Mr Toroitich, accompanied by another loser in the Eldama Ravine Kanu race, Mr Tom Chemjor, said the nominations were marred with irregularities.

The claimed to speak for three other losers, Mr Timothy Sirma, Mr Sammy Serenoy and Mr Lawi Kiplagat, who they said were also dissatisfied with the results.

They complained that the lists of voters used in the nominations had been switched overnight and were different from the official one.

They also accused the returning officer of openly favouring one candidate.

The nominations were won by Mr Musa Sirma.

Elsewhere, candidates from Kandara, Patrick S. Mugo, Peter Kiarie Muraya and Mbiyu Kimani teamed up to to protest against he nomination of Dr S. Karau.

They said Dr Karau had bribed voters and returning officers and had used the provincial administration to rig the polls. But Dr Karau immediately dismissed the claims as "total nonsense".

He said: "It is a lot of nonsense. Now that they have lost, they are crying foul but they do not scare me a bit. I will get the seat for Kanu".

From Mt Elgon, Joseph Kimkung said: "There was no election. My agents were beaten and harassed. They did not even sign the nomination forms."

He, however, said that despite the rigging, he and his supporters would back Kanu presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta. "But there is no guarantee Kanu will win the seat".

Mr Michael Muya Musyoka complained no elections took place in 26 wards in Kagundo and urged the party to nullify the poll won Cabinet minister Joseph Ngutu.

In Kwanza, Samuel Moiben cried foul accusing a rival of bribing a returning officer. He maintained he had trounced Ms Jenniffer Masis.

Aspirants from Kitutu Chache led by Prof Tumbo Oeri and Mr Orina Momanyi accused Cabinet minister Sam Ongeri of rigging. They said contrary to reports, it was Mr Momanyi who had won and not Mr Richard Onyoka.

In Rongai, Mr Willy Komen, Mr Eric Morogo, Mr Francis Rono and Mr Gordwin Chepkurgor also complained of rigging and appealed to the party's tribunal to nullify the election of Mr Luke Kigen.

Also complaining were Mrs Zipporah Kittony and Mr David Maiyo who lost in Cherengani's nomination to Mr Michael Arusei.

Isiolo South and Isiolo North losers, Dr Abdulahi Wako and Charfano Mokku respectively said there was a lot of confusion and bribery during the primaries.

Dr Wako was ousted by Dr Mohammed Kuti while the ticket for Isiolo North went to Abdi Baare.

Veteran politician and Kerugoya/Kutus Kanu branch chairman James Njiru complained of "flagrant irregularities" in the nominations won by his rival, Mr Ngata Kariuki.

Mr Njiru said voters were transported, bribed and intimidated and that the final outcome was manipulated by election officials.

Ndhiwa Narc aspirant Ms Monica Amolo accused former MP Orwa Ojode of subverting the election rules. She complained of insecurity and "mishandling of voting materials and misinformation".

Former Makadara MP Paul Mugeke complained that "the nomination was fraudulent and money had changed hands." He lost to Reuben Ndolo.

The Narc nomination in Eldoret East was boycotted by some voters who said the returning officers were strangers to them.

In Kisii, scores of people were injured as violence, protests, boycotts and logistical problems marred the Ford-P nominations.

Mr Lawrence Nyachiega, from Kitutu Masaba, was stabbed in the head and is admitted to the Kisii District Hospital in a critical condition.

In Bobasi, a candidate, Mr Joshua Ongoro was beaten up at Nyakegogi polling station and his agents chased a way. Mr Ongoro described the nominations as a sham and demanded a repeat.

Vehicles of the aspirants were smashed in Bobasi, Bomachoge and Nyaribari Masaba.

In some areas, nominations were conducted in the absence of candidates who had boycotted the exercise, sparking an outcry.

The losers besieged the Regional co-ordinator, Mr George Mwicigi, at a Kisii hotel to dispute the results and demand a repeat.

Mr Mwicigi conceded the primaries were a failure in most constituencies. "We underestimated the turnout," he said.

In South Mugirango the nominations did not take place in most places due to lack of election materials. The story was the same in Bonchari and Kitutu Masaba.

Two aspirants came to blows at a consultative meeting for aspirants at a Kisii hotel.

The aspirants, from Kitutu Masaba - Mr Waltar Nyambati and Timothy Bosire - had disagreed on the results of the nominations on Friday, which had been nullified.

A fuming Mr Nyambati pounced on Mr Mr Bosire with walking stick, accusing him of rigging.

The meeting of the party's 88 parliamentary aspirants ended in disarray and a bitter exchange of words.

They could not agree on whether to repeat the previous day's nominations, which were allegedly rigged.

11 / 14 / 2002

IRIN

The article: "Democracy, displacement and dispossession"

Thirty-something Beatrice Atieno [not her real name] speaks with conviction when she remembers her family_s eviction from their land in 1992, around the time of Kenya's first multi-party elections for nearly thirty years.

She recalls that at noon one day a local official delivered a letter ordering her family and the rest of the ethnic Luo community in the area to evacuate the land within 30 hours. "People were tongue-tied. We sat there not knowing what to do until four in the afternoon," she told IRIN.

According to Atieno, at 6.30pm the same day, the official returned with a second directive, again ordering the families to leave. "We were frightened and confused, so we went to spend the night at the [nearby] Thessalia Catholic mission". Atieno claims that the following morning some men came with a bulldozer and destroyed their homes. "Those who tried to protect their property were beaten. One man died," she says.

Some 3,000 people were thus forced off their land in the Rift Valley Province. Many were able to resettle in neighbouring Nyanza Province, populated predominantly by their Luo kinsmen. The rest, however, had not retained close links with their neighbours in Nyanza, and stayed at Thessalia, where they remain today.

Election violence

The Thessalia IDPs are just some of an estimated 300,000 people forced to flee their homes as a result of violent clashes between neighbouring communities during Kenya's return to multi-partyism in 1992, according to a 2001 report by the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS).

When Kenyans again went to the polls in 1997, a similar upsurge in inter-communal violence forced tens of thousands of people, some of them already displaced five years earlier, to leave their homes and seek shelter in churches and schools, to camp in the open, or to eke out an existence on the streets of Nairobi and its sprawling slums.

"This violence caused the displacement of thousands of people and undermined their civic and political rights, especially their right to vote," JRS said.

Although accurate figures for the number of IDPs in Kenya are not readily available, JRS estimates some 228,000 people in Kenya are currently living under temporary arrangements, having had to leave their homes as a result of conflict and natural disasters.

Over the years, attempts by many of the displaced to return home have been met with renewed fighting. Simmering ethnic tensions and the occupation of their former lands by rival communities has meant attempts to return have "sometimes been met with fatal violence, and revenge attacks on both sides of the ethnic divide have caused more hatred and displacement," JRS says.

Population crisis

With no available land nearby, and the prospect of further violence should they attempt a return, the Thessalia families have little option but to remain on the tiny parcels of land provided by the church.

As the families grow, however, they are becoming increasingly concerned by the difficulties of housing their families in such a cramped space. "We have to raise our families, eat and sustain ourselves on a quarter acre of land. We can_t do it. I feel like I am a refugee in my own country," the Thessalia community chairman told IRIN recently.

Although the Thessalia IDPs hope of getting access to some additional land nearby, or maybe a little financing for income generation activities, what they want more than anything is to return to their land in the Rift Valley, which they still claim is rightfully theirs, Florence Oduor, of People for Peace in Africa, a nongovernmental organisation working with the Thessalia community, told IRIN recently.

"They still feel they have been wronged all these years. They still feel that someone took land that belonged to them. There is no way you are going to convince them that that land is now owned by someone else," says Oduor.

Problems of land tenure

Until they were evicted, the community had inhabited land in the Rift Valley since 1918, when they were employed as labourers on European-owned sisal plantations, according to Oduor.

In 1971, eight years after Kenya gained its independence, the 'Thessalia people' who were at that time squatting, came together and purchased the land for some 81,000 Kenya Shillings (about US $1,080 today).

However, their legal claim to ownership of the land is far from certain. Although they still have receipts showing their purchase, no official deed was ever received, and despite having occupied the area continuously for over 70 years, the community has no officially recognized proof of land purchase.

According to Human Rights Watch (HRW), land ownership issues in the Rift Valley have remained unresolved since colonial times, when pastoral groups such as the Maasai and Kalenjin were ousted to make way for British settlers, who in turn employed labourers, some of whose descendants now live at Thessalia.

Following independence the land issue was not fully addressed, and no effort was made to deal with the competing claims of those pastoral groups originally forced from the Rift Valley and the squatter-labourers who subsequently settled on the land, HRW said in 1997 report.

Some 1500 families in Kenya are currently displaced because there is a dispute of some kind regarding ownership of their land, and there are places where two or more title deeds exist for the same tract of land, according to the JRS report.

No recourse to the law

IDPs attempting to seek redress through the courts are faced with prohibitively high legal costs, and a "culture of silence" in government on the issue, JRS claims.

Those who have attempted to seek legal claim to their farms are making little headway because of "the feeling among lawyers, politicians and the general public that talking of clashes and reparations can only open old wounds and lead to fresh bitterness and conflict," JRS says.

Government Inaction and Guiding Principles

Feelings of abandonment have been heightened by claims from the authorities that there are no IDPs in Kenya, aside from those temporarily displaced by drought, floods and other natural disasters, humanitarian sources told IRIN recently.

"We keep hearing that Kenya is a peaceful country and that all the internally displaced have been resettled. We are still here," says one Thessalia resident.

Partly because of this official position and the accompanying 'culture of silence', awareness of the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement among IDPs is thought to be very low, according to humanitarian sources.

The issue of internal displacement has "remained largely unaddressed at the advocacy and policy levels," sources said. Unlike neighbouring Uganda, for example, there have been no moves to use the Guiding Principles as a model for an explicit policy on internal displacement, they added.

Clashes report withheld

In the late nineties, public concern over the clashes led to the production of a government report dealing with the causes of the violence and subsequent displacement. Although the report on the 'Judicial Commission Appointed to Inquire into Tribal Clashes in Kenya' was completed in 1999, it was only released to the public in October 2002.

The report calls for the return to their homes of people displaced by the clashes. "To inspire confidence in the government, all those who were displaced from their farms during the tribal clashes should be assisted to resettle back on their farms and appropriate security arrangements made for their peaceful stay", the report said, according to excerpts published in the 'Daily Nation' newspaper.

Because disputes over land ownership and use were considered to be one of the causes of the violence, the government should also issue land title documents to people who had either been allocated land, or had bought land from previous owners, it added.

The report also criticised the Kenyan police force, and provincial administrations in several provinces for failing to prevent the violence, and for inciting the violence in some cases. The report criticises the "negligence and unwillingness on the part of the police force and provincial administration to take firm and drastic action which would surely have prevented the clashes from erupting".

The "incitement and abetment of tribal and inter-clan clashes by social and political leaders as well as by members of the security, police and administrative services, should no longer be tolerated," the report said.

The government has released its own document, making comments on the Commission's findings. In it, the government says the 'Akiwumi' report is biased against the Kalenjin and Maasai ethnic groups, and ignores the role played by other groups such as the Kikuyu, Kenya's most populous tribe, according to a 'Daily Nation' report.

Back in Thessalia, Beatrice Atieno thinks about her future and focuses her gaze on the ground. "People here look older than their age because their life has been so hard. We have screamed and shouted over the past ten years and the government has not listened. Now, we have children growing up in this situation with no education and no way of getting out. You tell me, where is the hope in that?"