KENYA

Reports on Ethnic Relations  /  Rapports sur les relations éthniques

The following section is consisted of part, full or summaries of articles from diverses sources (newspapers, newsletters, etc...).
La section suivante est constituée d'exraits, de la totalité ou de résumés d'articles provenant d'origines diverses (journaux,bulletins, etc..).

THE NATION (Kenya) 

The Article: "Kenya: Women must make their case at the polls" ( L. Muthoni Wanyeki)

The excitement and tension about the electoral process continues to mount, with each day presenting new shifts to be analysed and debated. But it strikes me that, little attention has been paid to women in the electoral process. In the past weeks, articles and columns have appeared decrying that fact. But the articles are few and far between. Worse, they seem to be generating little response from politicians and the public.

This is not to imply that women are not present in the fast-unfolding and high-drama political events. So where are the women? Two strategy sessions have been called in the past couple of weeks. The sessions were convened by Abantu for Development and included members of the women's movement who are not directly involved in politics, but who are concerned about the lack of visibility of women in the on-going electoral process.

However seriously we may have taken their bids, the fact is that until the opposition's National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK) settled on their presidential and prime ministerial lineup recently, there were two female presidential candidates within the opposition - Charity Ngilu and Dr Julia Ojiambo.

After 1997, the idea of female presidential candidates is no longer titillating. The impression one is left with is that the stakes are too high for something as seemingly unimportant as gender to be bothered with at all. We are in the realm of realpolitik. As in: "This is serious business, girls; please do not waste our time with frivolities."

This attitude, which underscores all of the manoeuvres and negotiations currently underway, may have something to do with another fact. There are currently at least 50 women in various constituencies, who intend to seek nomination for parliamentary seats. The question of how seriously we take these intentions and the women who have expressed them is beside the point. For how seriously do we take all the men who have expressed interests in standing? Fifty-plus female parliamentary candidates does not sound bad. But it is still nowhere near the strategically desired third of all candidates. It is far from the ideal of having women constituting half of the MPs. Moreover, the number is below the 1992 and 1997 figures.

Why is this the case? Some female candidates say the stakes are too high for gender to be of any concern. And that an awareness of this fact has put off women who might have tried their luck. They also note that it is far difficult for the female parliamentary candidates to make it through the political party nomination process than in previous elections.

So the target is to have as many of the female parliamentary candidates as possible make it through the nominations process. This may be easier to achieve through NAK, which has more women with a track record than the ruling party. However, some female candidates, especially from Central Province, are wavering in their support for NAK. They feel that if the so-called Uhuru Project gains momentum, then it would be politically-suicidal for them to go for NAK.

This sentiment raises a more fundamental issue. Representation in terms of numbers alone is valid as an objective for women. It is wrong that half of the population continues to be represented in political decision-making by less than one per cent. But representation is not the sole objective. We want representation that can carry our issues to the table. The track record of the women in Kanu, in this respect, is wanting.

Therefore, another aim of the women should be to go beyond representation to make the gender agenda an electoral issue. Many of the constitutional and legal concerns we have articulated, including equal citizenship, equality rights, one third representation within the public service, are addressed in the draft Constitutional Review Commission of Kenya (CRCK). We therefore need to make sure that the CRCK is enabled to conclude the process. However, other issues such as agriculture and public finance, will still be pending even if the constitutional review process is successfully concluded.

So we need to make sure that we get MPs who will fight for these concerns. We also need to get a government that will support such work, rather than routinely undermine it.

For the first time ever, we have fewer women registered as voters than men. It is, therefore, imperative that women make the connection between the vote and their daily livelihoods. So we need to campaign and vote to ensure that we have no more batterers, paedophiles and rapists in parliament.

09 / 20 / 2002

IRIN

The Article: "Focus on women in politics"

As parties prepare for Kenya's crucial presidential, parliamentary and civil elections, due later this year, where do women - one of Kenya's largest constituencies
feature in the political landscape? This time around, unlike previous elections, the stakes are much higher, and the political game is different.

President Daniel arap Moi - who has ruled the country since 1978 - is expected to retire after completing his two five-year terms according to constitutional changes introduced in 1992 to accommodate multiparty politics in the country.

Political parties in the country are banding together to form coalitions, and consolidating their alliances as part of their strategy to find a suitable successor to Moi, who is constitutionally barred from seeking another presidential term.

So far, the number of women seeking to contest parliamentary seats has increased from a mere 48 in 1997 to about 80 in 2002, according to Cecilia Kimemia, executive director of the Kenya League of Women Voters.

STIFF COMPETITION

Kimemia fears that current changes in the political environment make the competition much stiffer for women, especially for party nominations, due mainly to the ongoing formation of political coalitions that have reduced the number of Kenya's 40 political parties. Alliances and coalitions are still being formed.

"When parties come together to form coalitions, it means every party has someone in each constituency who wants to contest a seat, making the competition stiffer for women. I don't think alliances are good for women's participation," Kimemia said.

Unlike 1997, when a woman for the first time contested the presidential seat, there is no clear woman presidential candidate this time nominated on any party ticket. Charity Ngilu, the 1997 female presidential candidate, will not be running this year. She has been slotted in for the prime minister post, under the National Alliance of Kenya (NAK) party, a coalition of 14 opposition political parties.

Nyambura Ngugi, a programme manager at the Education Centre for Women in Democracy (ECWD) told IRIN that campaigns have so far been dominated by the succession debate, and very little attention has been given to issues like gender. "It will be very hard to bring back attention to issues. The debate is centred around succession, to the detriment of all debates that are going on," she said.

ECDW is among the women's organisations carrying out a national programme aimed at empowering women contestants and educating voters in their respective constituencies. "This is a tough one. Women candidates are not getting a chance to talk. All ideas we had about elections have turned around. The rules are so different," Nyambura said.

Alice Wahome, an aspiring parliamentary candidate, however considers herself a strong candidate for the Kandara parliamentary seat, in central Kenya, despite the facing competition from a line of 15 men.

Wahome - a High Court lawyer, a member of the Law society of Kenya (LSK) and a former vice chairperson of International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), Kenya - told IRIN that women's rights in Kenya could only be realised if more space was created for women in the political field.

FRUSTRATIONS WITH MALE-DOMINATED PARLIAMENT

According to Wahome, FIDA has initiated a number of bills, notably the Equality Bill and the Domestic Bill, both which have been blocked by the male-dominated parliament. "This is a frustrating environment, because everything that you want to do must first go through the political process. Policy making is an important factor," she argues.

"When you consider the work being done by women in this country, they leave it on the doorstep of policy makers. But men are ruining the show. The problem is that men are the gatekeepers, and they will try to keep women out as much as possible," she adds.

Like Ngilu, Wahome is seeking parliamentary nomination through the NAK opposition alliance, which she says has more room for women contestants, as opposed to the ruling party, KANU. "We don't see women in the Rainbow Alliance [a faction within KANU opposed to Moi's party nomination plan]. KANU has no room for women's participation. The top leadership in KANU has no regard for women's issues. NAK is likely to embrace more women," Wahome said.

POOR REPRESENTATION

There are only seven women in Kenya's current 210-seat parliament, and only one has been appointed an assistant minister in Moi's cabinet. Yet women are said to account for 52 percent of the country's adult population and 60 percent of the voting population. KANU, which has been in power since independence in 1963, only appointed the first country's female cabinet minister in 1995.

As a result of the poor representation, women in Kenya feel they have lacked a sufficient voice to push the enactment of laws that could enhance respect for women's rights and alleviate their economic marginalisation.

Women's organisations are frustrated that their struggle has so far fallen on deaf ears in a male-dominated system. They argue that cultural indifference towards gender based crimes such as rape, domestic violence and female genital mutilation (FGM), is often exacerbated by the insensitive attitude of the police towards women who report such crimes.

FGM for children under 18 has been outlawed under new child legislation which became law in December 2001. However, the practice is still rampant in many parts of the country where it is carried out clandestinely.

Women's leaders attribute the generally poor status of women in Kenya to the country's social and political structure, which they argue, has been deliberately designed to deny women their rights. "It is a deliberate intention by men, they will not give you space. You have to go out and fight to get it," said Wahome.

GENDER BASED ELECTION VIOLENCE

There are also lessons to be learnt for women from the 1992 and 1997 multiparty elections, especially regarding violence that might be specifically targeted at them, Wahome added.

"The lessons are hard and painful," she said. "Women have to be very careful and beware of the politics of name-calling and violence. It is not going to be easy. They [women] must be prepared to finance their campaigns and to lobby their parties to make them the preferred candidates."

Studies conducted by women's organisations in Kenya also have indicated that election violence not only affects women candidates, but also women voters.

Anne Gathumbi, the coordinator of the Coalition on Violence against Women (COVAW) told IRIN that gender specific violence, such as rape and threats of rape, were real issues of concern for women. She said women candidates faced violence from the communities which are not used to women's leadership, down to the family level.

Culturally, the issue of where to contest is also complicated by the fact that women are generally expected to be in transition throughout their lives, Gathumbi added. Those not married are expected to leave and settle elsewhere, and those who are married are considered aliens. "The men have a lot of pressure from communities that are not psychologically prepared to have women as leaders," she noted.

POOR MEDIA ATTENTION

Women's rights groups in Kenya also point out that the media are a major obstacle, rather than an asset, in the fight for equality. They are currently unhappy with the lack of media focus on women's participation in the political process.

Those women contestants who are receiving coverage, are getting attention for the wrong reasons, according to Kimemia. "Women are only being shown as part of the crowd, and not when they are articulating their vision. The media are not looking for women in the right places," she says.

In their effort to improve the performance of women in this year's elections, women's organisations are carrying out activities aimed at supporting women aspirants for parliamentary and civic seats.

They however regret that only minimal voter education has taken place in the country, despite a number of constitutional changes aimed at improving the electoral process. The changes include the use of any mark on the voter card, instead of the previously required X mark, and assistance in voting for disabled or illiterate persons.

Vote counting also is expected to take place at polling stations, rather than at designated counting centres. But providing such information to voters on the ground will not be an easy task, Kimemia warned.

09 / 19 / 2002

IRIN

The Article: "Radical changes proposed for government"

Kenya should drastically reduce presidential powers by introducing the post of executive prime minister and a two-chamber parliament, according to the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission.

In its draft of proposals for a new Kenyan constitution, the Commission said it had made recommendations which departed in "radical ways" from the present one.

The Commission "believes that these radical departures are necessary to find directions to national unity, economic and social development, the dignity of individuals and communities, and social justice", said its draft report, published in the 'Daily Nation' on Thursday.

In a major departure from the present constitution, the draft report proposes that the prime minister be elected by a national assembly, and be a member of the party with most popular votes nationwide. It also proposes that most of the executive powers be exercised by the prime minister, two deputy prime ministers, and 13 non-elected cabinet ministers appointed on
the basis of professional ability and experience.

If the draft is approved by parliament, the president - arguably the main power broker in Kenyan politics at present - would be charged with carrying out "special responsibilities", including those relating to national unity and safeguarding the constitution.

"We have tried to produce the constitutional framework for a just and humane society - to deal, among other objectives, with poverty and corruption," Professor Yash Pal Ghai, chairman of the commission was quoted as saying by the BBC when launching the report on Wednesday.

The present constitution, which gives the president extensive powers, was drawn up at independence in 1963, and draws heavily on English law, although it has been amended more than 30 times, according to the Economist intelligence Unit (EIU).

Current governmental arrangements mean that the full cabinet meets infrequently, and government policy is directed almost exclusively through the office of the president, which has the largest departmental budget and directly controls key areas of security and defence, the EIU said.

The two chambers being proposed in the draft report would be called the National Assembly and the National Council. The National Assembly would comprise 210 elected MPs plus 90 others to be nominated by the political parties, whereas the National Assembly would be made up of one member from every district (currently numbering about 70), plus 30 others nominated by political parties.

The draft report also proposes that the current local authorities be scrapped and replaced with provincial, district and village councils whose members would be elected directly by the people.

In order for Kenya's upcoming general elections to be held under the new constitution, Ghai recommended that the polls be held in March or April 2003, rather than in December of this year, as originally scheduled. This would "ensure that adequate time is available for civic education on the new constitution, voter education on the new electoral system, and the
administrative arrangements for the election", the commission said in the report's conclusion.

The potential impact of the proposals on the current presidential race are unclear. Although the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU) party of President Daniel arap Moi has yet to officially select a presidential candidate, Moi has declared Uhuru Kenyatta, son of Kenya's first president.

09 / 18 / 2002

IRIN

The Article: "Ethnic violence linked to politics"

Renewed ethnic tensions in the Gucha, Transmara and Migori districts of western Kenya, in which several people have been killed since last week, have been linked to crucial presidential
and parliamentary elections expected later this year.

On Sunday, two people were killed and 10 injured when youths from Gucha and Transmara were engaged in running battles along the border of the two districts, the 'Daily Nation' reported. This brought to eight the number of people killed in the area over the past two weeks.

In other incidents, at least two people were killed and seven injured at the weekend when a gang of 100 men, armed with crude weapons, attacked worshippers at a Catholic diocese in neighbouring Kisii district, according to the Catholic Information Service for East Africa (CISA. The attack followed recent political tension between supporters of the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU) party and Ford-People, a rival political party, CISA reported on Monday.

The National Council of the Churches of Kenya (NCCK) and the Peace and Development Network (Peace Net) - organisations which run peace initiatives in regions prone to cattle rustling - told IRIN they were awaiting reports from monitoring teams they had sent to assess the situation.

A humanitarian source based in Gucha told IRIN on Wednesday that the current ethnic tensions in the region were not just a normal problem resulting from cattle rustling - a common phenomenon in the area - but were due to political problems that typically occurred during election periods.

"We have reason to worry that this year's election is likely to be accompanied by incidences of violence," the source said. "The tensions escalating everywhere are a problem resulting from political temperatures taking their toll on Kenyans."

Incumbent President Daniel arap Moi is due to step down and there is controversy over his preferred successor, Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya's first president.

09 / 10 / 2002

IRIN

The Article: "3,000 displaced by inter-ethnic clashes"

Some 3,000 people displaced by recent inter-ethnic conflict in Isiolo, central Kenya, are refusing to return to their homes for fear of further violence, according to local sources in
Isiolo.

"People are terrified, they are expecting to be attacked again. Efforts to return them have not been fruitful," sources told IRIN on Tuesday.

Many families had moved from their manyattas (dwellings), and were camping at the local district headquarters, or had been permitted to stay in local church buildings, sources said.

According to Bishop Luigi Locati of the Diocese of Isiolo, the Catholic Church had been able to set up temporary accommodation for about 200 families, and had been distributing food to some of the displaced.
However, many people were still in need of food, blankets, and other household items.

Fighting broke out on Wednesday 4 September when a Turkana manyatta at Eremet, in the central division of Isiolo District, was attacked by some 200 raiders thought to be from the neighbouring Borana community, Kenyan radio reported at the time. Six people were killed and some 1,000 head of cattle stolen in the attack.

Further clashes had occurred over the following four days at Mashambani, Daaba and Ngabela locations, despite assurances from police that security had been tightened in the district, according to media reports.

A total of 14 people have now lost their lives in the clashes, according to local sources.

Although there had been speculation that the attacks had a political motive ahead of this year's parliamentary and presidential elections, sources told IRIN the conflict was most likely linked to the scarce availability of good pasture in the semi-arid region.

Revenge was also thought to have partly driven the attacks, following a raid by Turkana tribesmen on a Borana settlement in July, local sources told IRIN.

They said that although discussions among local peace committees had generated ideas to stop frequent clashes between the two communities, it was essential that government become closely involved in any attempts at reconciliation between the two communities.

"These parties have no machinery to implement what has been agreed. It should be the government working to do this," the sources said.

09 / 05 / 2002

IRIN 

The Article: "Leading presidential contender withdraws from race"

Kenyan civil society and the local media have sharply criticised a decision by Transport Minister Musalia Mudavadi to pull out of the race to succeed President Daniel arap Moi in elections expected later this year.

Mudavadi - one of the four vice-chairmen of the ruling Kenya African National Union (KANU) party and a leading contender in the Moi succession - announced on Wednesday he had decided to step down in favour of Uhuru Kenyatta, son of Kenya's first president Jomo Kenyatta, whom Moi has chosen as his preferred successor.

Mudavadi's move is said to have dealt a blow to the "Rainbow Alliance" - a faction within KANU opposed to Kenyatta, which promptly claimed Mudavadi had succumbed to "intense pressure" and "blackmail" from powerful party members.

The Alliance - which now comprises cabinet ministers Raila Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka, and former vice-president George Saitoti - wants KANU to elect its presidential candidate by secret ballot.

In a scathing column headlined "Throwing politics of principles out the window, where tribes and not individuals take the lead", the 'Daily Nation' newspaper described Mudavadi's withdrawal as a "betrayal of the politics of principle".

Khalif Khelef, head of the Muslims for Human Rights Organisation, based in the coastal city of Mombasa, told IRIN on Thursday that Mudavadi's move was "regrettable" and prompted by his personal desires rather than national interests. "This was not about Kenyans. It is about the promise he received to get a powerful post in the next government," Khelef said.

Ochieng Mbeo, a KANU nominated member of the East African Legislative Assembly and a supporter of the Rainbow Alliance, told IRIN that he like others in his group had been upset by Mudavadi's decision to abandon his presidential ambitions. "We feel cheated. But you know, we have never had a level political playing field in this country," he said.

According to Khelef, Moi is facing the strongest opposition from within his own party, and not from the official opposition, which is currently developing a strategy to field a single presidential contender under the newly formed National Alliance of Kenya party.

Khelef said he was disappointed with the political climate in the country, which, he said, was dominated by confusion and tension. He said political parties had not yet set out their election manifestos, and were dwelling on personal rather than the political, economic and social problems facing the country.

"Political parties until now have not touched on the problems facing Kenyans. They are tackling personalities. Even the squabbling in the opposition is all about positions," he added.

Khelef said he expected Odinga, who is currently leading the Rainbow Alliance, and Saitoti, whom Moi dismissed as vice-president last week, to press ahead with their demand for a democratic presidential nomination process within the ruling party.

Moi's move to sack Saitoti without naming a replacement drew fears from religious leaders and opposition politicians of a power vacuum in the country, especially during the president's trip to Johannesburg for the just-ended Earth Summit.

"Kenyans are worried about the irresponsible behaviour of Present Moi in creating a serious leadership vacuum by leaving the country for a foreign trip without naming an acting president," the BBC quoted opposition leader Charity Ngilu as saying.

08 / 29 /2002

INTER PRESS SERVICE (ISP)

The article: "Moi fires long-serving vice president" (Katy Salmon)

Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi has sacked his long-serving Vice-President George Saitoti in a bid to control a massive revolt within his party over his choice of successor.

But Saitoti remains defiant and commands huge public support.

The street outside Nairobi's prestigious Norfolk Hotel was jammed Friday afternoon as a boisterous crowd waited for Saitoti to address a press conference. While they waited, they sang songs insulting Moi by calling him a dictator.

Saitoti was fired Friday morning. No official reason was given for his sacking and no replacement was named. He was also relieved of his post as minister for home affairs.

Addressing the press conference, Saitoti vowed to continue with his campaign to succeed Moi as the ruling KANU party's presidential candidate in the December elections.

”I will continue to seek the nomination to stand as the president of the Republic of Kenya in response to the calls by the Kenyan people that I do offer myself,” he announced amid cheering and shouts of ‘Good luck'.

Saitoti's dismissal is Moi's latest attempt to crush an unprecedented
rebellion within his own party over his choice of the inexperienced
nominated legislator Uhuru Kenyatta as Kenya's next president.

Observers say Uhuru's main qualifications are that he is the son of Kenya 's founding president, Jomo Kenyatta, and as a member of the establishment, represents a safe pair of hands to Moi in his retirement.

The rebels have formed a Rainbow Alliance within the ruling party, calling for KANU's nomination process to be carried out by secret ballot. Moi wants the choice to be made by acclamation, or a show of hands.

Saitoti's commitment to the Alliance has been in question because of his unswerving loyalty to his boss. In the 13 years he served as Kenya's Vice President, Saitoti has never criticised Moi.

Yet Moi's dictatorial approach to the succession question has finally provoked the timid Professor of Mathematics to do so. At Friday's press conference, flanked by several other members of the Rainbow Alliance, Saitoti condemned Moi as undemocratic.

”I have never known in the history of the world, and much more so in a country that professes democracy, where the Vice President has to be fired merely because he seeks nomination from his party,” he said.

”But,” he added, ”I must also say it is a worthwhile price to pay for democracy.” Others also charge that Moi is behaving in an autocratic manner.
”These are the last kicks of a dying horse,” said Christophe Munguti, a student in the crowd outside the Norfolk Hotel.

”Moi does not have the moral authority to sack the Vice President because of dissent. We didn't elect Moi to elect a successor. He should let the people of Kenya decide,” he said.

Munguti believes Saitoti is best qualified to lead his country. ”He's an intellectual, He's a Professor. He ranks highly internationally. I'm not sure Uhuru can address an international forum. He's only taking advantage of his surname,” he charged, referring to Kenyatta, Uhuru's father.

Moi's efforts to silence the rebels only seem to be crystallising opposition to him.

Three other ministers in the Rainbow Alliance were sacked earlier this month and another defected to the opposition Thursday.

Former assistant minister for education, Mathews Karauri, who has joined the Ford People party, did not mince words Thursday announcing his change of heart.

”KANU has thrown democracy through the window. Leadership has been styled the Communist way where the chairman is mother and father of the party, the high command of the politburo. I hate what is happening in KANU,” he said.

Kenya's Daily Nation seems to believe that more disgruntled ministers could follow in Karauri's steps.

Its Friday front page has an illustration entitled ‘the rifts within KANU ', showing the six leading lights of the Rainbow Alliance camped between KANU and Ford People with an arrow hinting that they will cross over.

Saitoti refused to confirm rumours that he has been holding talks with Ford People, simply saying: ”Upon my being relieved of this position, there have been people who have sent goodwill messages. There would be no reason for me to turn anybody out.” ”But my position is very clear. I sought my nomination while I am still in the political party KANU,” he said.

There is speculation that other key members of the Rainbow Alliance including Saitoti - could quit the ruling party if they fail to win the party's presidential nomination at the National Delegates Conference.

Another leading member of the Rainbow Alliance, and another presidential contender, Raila Odinga, and Saitoti's supporters are threatening to boycott the conference if there is no secret ballot.

The first step towards resolving the internecine nomination battle will be taken when grassroots elections take place in September to pick the delegates.

Odinga heads the six-man committee which will decide which branches get to vote, oversee those elections and compile the delegates' lists. He will do his utmost to use this process to boost the number of delegates who support his presidential bid.

The contentious question of the method of voting - both in the branch elections and at the delegates' conference - has yet to be decided. Some observers say Moi's best hope of dealing with the Rainbow Alliance rebels is by keeping them on side with promises of other powerful positions in government. KANU has proposed to the Kenya Constitutional Review Commission
that the posts of prime minister and two deputies, chosen by the President, are introduced.

But Moi seems to be trying to intimidate and punish them into submission - a dangerous tactic that could backfire on him. If Saitoti and Odinga were to join the opposition, KANU would have a hard time continuing the unbroken rule that it has enjoyed since Kenya's independence in 1963.

SUNDAY NATION N°12413 

Pages 1-2: "More deplore radio threath" 
Enraged Kenyans have mounted pressure on President Moi’s decision to outlaw  three radio stations that broadcast in  the vernacular. 
Reacting to the President’s behaviour, Bishop David Gitari of the Anglican Church, accused him of trying to control the press for his own  personal ends ,thereby undermining press freedom. The Bishop said that as long as the media can operate  within required norms, it has the freedom to use any language of its choice, and that not every Kenyan was literate enough to understand kiswahili and English. 
Mrs. Martha Kama, an MP; accused  the Government of democratic immaturity and dictatorship. Another Parliamentarian described the act as retrogressive and arising from instigation ,and was bound to fuel tribal movements. Fellow Kenyans were therefore called to resist it . One Mr. Muchiri termed it unconstitutional. 
According to Sunday Nation the Government is trying to silence the private radio broadcast which competes with the Kenyan Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), a state-controlled  media, meant for political propaganda. Other observers, Mr. Kiunjuri, said that the move was directed towards the Giku, Embu  and  Meru Association (GEMA), whose mouthpiece he considered to be the Kamene F. M. Mr. Oliver Seki considered it an assault on the Kukuyu Community, and called on all forces of change to rise against it. 

09 / 02 / 2000 

DAILY NATION 

Pages 1-2: "Fury grows over Moi bid to ban ethnic radio" 
President Moi’s attempt to ban private ethnic radio stations has met withspred condamnation. 
Kenyans consider it an  attack on both press freedom and Kenya’s Economy. Wild protest came mostly from parliamentarians, councillors and Mwananchi through their persistent phone calls to the Nation newsroom. 
According to the Kenyan people, President Moi has been is tigated to draw up laws that oblige  radio stations to broadcast only in English and Kiswahili. 
The author, Tony KAGO, reports that the Minister of Information and the Attorny-General drafted the law upon the President’s orders. 
Three radio stations - the Kikuyu language radio service, Kameme FM; the Kalenjin religious station, Rehema radio, and Metro East FM; broadcasting in Hindi. 
Beth Mugo, a Dagretti parliamentarian, described the President’s action as an attack on democracy, which might be a prelude to dictatorship of the past. The MP sees the President’s action to the press as a violation of human rights-To her the radio stations promote mutual understanding and co-existence, and not tribalism as he claims. Kago reports that the National Convention Executive Council considered the ban as unlawful. 
Prof. Kivutha, spokesman for the NCEC challenged the decision and called on the President to abide by the law in taking decisions in the future. Kago concludes that the President and Kanu are against communication in a language accessible to the local people. 

Page 6: "Vernacular radio is not the problem" 
According to the author of this article, the Kenyan Government’s ploy to band private vernacular radio broadcast is a flagrant violation of human rights and an intolerable act, meant to stifle the press. The growth of Independent vernacular radio stations and newspapers ,is an attempt to reach out to the almost 78%  adult population, who do not understand official and national languages. The commentator goes on to  stress the necessity of promoting culture through the use of vernacular programs. This initiative has been facilitated by the authorisation of three commercial radio stations that broadcast in the vernacular. This allows the message to penetrate the  “deprived” masses. 
The author goes on to say that any attempt by government to ban vernacular radio , for the mere suspicion that they promote chauvinism and disunity in their messages, may act as a boomerang against the Government itself. 
 Freedom of expression and the right to be informed, is one of the fundamental tenets of democracy. To target vernacular radios for such  destructive aims undoubtedly leads to a loss of jobs and will adversely affect the economy. The author castigates the Government's action and cautions it to encourage the creation of more radio stations by relaxing its grip on the press .He advises the powers that be to avoid sewing the seeds of a new anarchy. 

09 / 01 / 2000  

DAILY NATION N° 12411 

Pages 1-2: "Moi seeks ethnic radio ban" 
Kenyan authorities intend to stop three private vernacular radios from broadcasting. The Minster of Information and The Attorney General, acting on The President’s orders, will have to call off the activities of three vernacular radio stations; the Kikuyu language radio service FM, Rehma Radio ,which broadcast in Kalinjin, and the Hindi Metro East FM.  
Nation Team reports that President Moi insists that  private radios must use English or Kiswahili to forester national unity. He accuses vernacular radios of fermenting ethnic (tribal) conflicts, which is a prime cause of social unrest. 
Reacting to the President’s move, Ms. Kimotho said that Kamene radio promotes Kenyan ideals and not  tribalism, which of course is encouraged not through language, but that  what matters is the content of the message. 
Nation Team observes that the President’s move is meant to salvage  the State-controlled Kenyan Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), whose vernacular services have suffered a serious setback  from the private radio stations.  Retroactive legislation against well established investments is also a cause for concern. 
Violent reaction to the President's action also came from other media practitioners , who also emphasised the need for  broadcasting ethics, the role of the Government, and the essence of vernacular broadcasting, which not only preserves  and promote Kenyan culture, but also reaches out to the masses who are unlettered, both in English and in Swahili. 

08 / 31 / 2000 

DAILY NATION 

Page 26: "Three hurt in boundary dispute" 
A boundary dispute between the Teso and the Luhya tribes led to the loss of three lives. Police sources, according to Johnstone Bukachi, the reporter, say that 21 suspects have been arrested,  alongside with two vehicles loaded with armed men, probably meant to disrupt a commission working out a solution to the dispute. Bishop Eliud Wabukala of the Anglican Church, warned of a possible bloodshed if the commission was not disbanded. He called on President Moi to intervene and resolve the dispute. The Bishop had earlier tried to solve the problem when tension was high. According to Mr. Ndunga (Police Boss), the police was called in to disperse the belligerents. "Our security men intercepted the youths on the way to the venue. They had been hired from Malaba Town to disrupt the commission sitting at Msokoto Trading Centre in Nambale Constituency". 
The  casualties were taken to the hospital. The police boss warned that  Government will not  tolerate any attempt to divide the two tribes. The Administrator urged the two tribes to air their views to the commission without undermining each other. Tension between the two tribes arose when the Government carved out Teso from Busia District. While Teso leaders demand that parts of Busia be annexed, their counterparts in Busia vow to resist the proposal. 

07 / 27 / 2000 

PANAFRICAN NEWS AGENCY 

The article: "Scission du principal groupe de pression féministe au Kenya" 
Tervil Okolo rapporte qu'à cause de conflits internes, le principal groupe de pression féministe kenyan (Caucus) représentant 32 ONG de femmes, s'est scindé en deux factions. Le refus de Mme Ayiso de prendre parti dans l'un des groupes (essentiellement des organisation religieuses et des partis politiques) en faveur de la réforme constitutionnelle serait à l'origine de cette scission. Mais le fonctionnement interne y aurait également contribuer; On accuse l'absence de communication entre les dirigeants et les ONG membres et le manque de structure opérationnelles et de transparence. 
Outre la base professionnelle sur laquelle se sont effectués les nouveaux regroupements, d'autres revêt un caractère régional aux relents ethnicistes; mais la politique est le principal responsable de cette situation au Kenya où l'ethnicité constitue un facteur important: Mme Ayiso appartient à la communauté ethnique Luo et soutient le NDP alors que Mme Kariba est Kikuyu, une communauté systématiquement opposée au régime du Président Arap Moi et au groupe de réforme constitutionnelle… 
Le Causus a été jusqu'ici une formidable force de vulgarisation et de capacité intellectuelle doù le femme kenyanne pouvait exprimer ses aspirations et défendre sa cause politique; mais la scission en son sein et l'amplification de la controverse contribue à amenuiser la représentation des femmes au niveau des principaux organes de prise de décision. 

02 / 09 / 2000 

DAILY NATION 

Pages 1 & 3: "GG Kariuki sacked" 
In this article by  Mburu Mwangi, the Cabinet Minister G.G Kariuki has been sacked as the chairman of the Betting Control and Licensing Board, through a letter signed by the Head of the public Service and secretary to the  cabinet, Dr Richard Leakey, and dated February 7 told Mr Kariuki that the termination of his appointment took effect from the date of the letter. Mburu claims that the sacking of Mr Kariuki "will definitely be seen in the light of his stand on the killings that have rocked Laikipia District in the last few weeks"."He has accused the Government of standing by as his people are killed, since it has not shown any willingness to stop them’. 
In response to the letter, Mr  Kariuki told Dr leakey that he had accepted the contents of his letter with diligence and was grateful to the President for being allowed to serve on the Board. 

Page 5: "M Ps warn of 'hate campaign by State'" 
It is alleged by the NATION Team that the Kenyan Government is inciting violence against the Kikuyu as two members of parliament Claim in the DAILY NATION of Wednesday February 9, 2000. “Social Democratic Party M Ps supported Anglican Bishop Peter Njenga’s statement that the Kikuyu were being persecuted by the Government” The issue has been reported to the U N Secretary General to alert him of "impending genocide in Kenya", and also asking the U N to send a fact-finding mission to Kenya on the alleged ethnic animosities to avoid a similar situation to the one that befell Rwanda in 1993/94. 
On the other hand, the Cabinet Minister, Shariff  Nassir, refuted the claims by the Mt Kenya South Bishop saying that “he had been hired by members of the community who wanted to take over Government”. He further urged the Bishop to pray for peace in Laikipia district.