CONGO (Kinshasa)

Rapports sur les relations éthniques / Reports on Ethnic Relations

The following section is consisted of part, full or summaries of articles from diverses sources (newspapers, newsletters, etc...).
La section suivante est constituée d'exraits, de la totalité ou de résumés d'articles provenant d'origines diverses (journaux,bulletins, etc..).

06 / 06 / 2003 

IRIN

L'article: "International monitors decry delay in set-up of transitional institutions"

A team of international observers of the transitional process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has criticised delays in the establishment of a government of national unity and recommended that the process be put back on track.

In a statement issued on Thursday in the DRC capital, Kinshasa, the International Committee to Accompany the Transition (known by its French acronym, CIAT) said such delays harmed the peace process. CIAT comprises foreign ambassadors accredited to the DRC, meeting under the presidency of Amos Namanga Ngongi, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's Special Representative to the DRC.

"CIAT feels that delay in the implementation of the transition is totally unhelpful to the process, and serves only to jeopardise the progress made to date," the group said in the statement issued after a meeting held at the headquarters of the UN Mission in the DRC.

The CIAT members made recommendations to speed the inauguration of transitional institutions, including the exchange among belligerent parties of officers and observers as a confidence-building measure.

"Such a measure would serve to prevent the launching of future senseless military offensives in a climate of reconciliation and unification of territory," the statement said.

CIAT also called for greater cooperation among parties with regard to the formation of a unified national army. CIAT was to discuss these recommendations with belligerent parties late Thursday.

The Rwandan-backed Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma) rebel movement, which rejoined discussions of the follow-up committee of the inter-Congolese dialogue on 30 May, had withdrawn from talks on 22 May, causing the postponement of the inauguration of the transitional government originally scheduled to take place on 29 May. RCD-Goma had accused the government of trying to keep the post of head of army for itself, and of wanting to control the majority of military regions.

In its communique, CIAT called on all parties to fix and fully adhere to a new schedule for the installation of transitional government institutions immediately.

On Wednesday, MONUC announced that Annan had appointed two special envoys to help with the formation of a unified national army: Moustapha Niasse, who had served as Annan's special envoy for the DRC peace process, and Gen Maurice Baril of Canada, who had served as a military advisor to the UN.

The Article: "Report calls for greater action to curb conflict diamonds"

Partnership Africa Canada (PAC), a Canadian NGO, has criticised what it terms a "lack of follow-up" on a 2002 UN report on diamond exploitation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

In a report issued on Thursday, the NGO said the UN Security Council must take immediate action to halt all unofficial diamond exports.

PAC s report, "Motherhood, Apple Pie and False Teeth: Corporate Social Responsibility in the Diamond Industry", examined the findings of the UN study, which referred to guidelines used by the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to criticise companies alleged to be engaged in bribery, tax fraud, embezzlement and extortion in the Congolese diamond industry.

However, the PAC report termed the OECD guidelines for multinational enterprises as "toothless and virtually unknown to companies, whether or not they are involved in such behaviour".

The UN Expert Panel on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the DRC was reconvened in Nairobi, Kenya, at the end of March. In addition to hearing reactions from parties named in its 2002 report, the panel's new six-month mandate included a review and analysis of information gathered; an assessment of the impact of actions taken by governments in response to its previous recommendations; and formulation of recommendations to a transitional government due to be inaugurated in the DRC and other governments in the region to ensure the legal and fair exploitation of the country's resources.

PAC also criticised the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme for Rough Diamonds, which came into effect on 1 January, saying it "lacked teeth" although it was "a step in the right direction". Without provision for regular independent monitoring of national control mechanisms, PAC said, the certification scheme allowed companies and countries that have traded in "blood diamonds" for the past decade to continue regulating themselves. The Kimberly Process "will do nothing to stop conflict diamonds where they still exist, and it will do nothing to prevent their return where controls are weak and predators are strong," PAC reported.

>>>>> The PAC Report

06 / 05 / 2003 

IRIN

L'article: "Deux factions rebelles se disputent le contrôle de Mbingi, dans le Nord-Kivu"

Des combats acharnés entre deux factions rebelles se disputant le contrôle de la région de Mbingi dans la province du Nord-Kivu, dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC), ont lieu depuis le week-end du 31 mai, a confirmé mercredi la mission de l'ONU en RDC.

Les affrontements se sont produits entre le Rassemblement congolais pour la démocratie (RCD-Goma) soutenu par le Rwanda et le RCD-kisangani/Mouvement de libération (RCD-K/ML), alliés à Kinshasa, à environ 140 km au nord de Goma, dans la région de Mbingi. La MONUC a lancé un appel aux belligérants pour qu'ils respectent leurs engagements en faveur d'une cessation des hostilités dans le cadre d'un accord de paix global signé en avril à Pretoria, en Afrique du Sud.

Pour leur part, les deux mouvements rebelles se sont mutuellement accusés d'avoir engagé la bataille pour prendre le contrôle de la région. "Les combats ont duré jusqu'à ce matin," a déclaré mercredi à IRIN Lambert Mende, porte-parole du RCD-K/ML. "Nous avons repoussé une offensive du RCD-Goma soutenu par l'APR [Armée patriotique rwandaise], et leur avons fait subir beaucoup de pertes. Cependant, Mbingi est encore menacé par le RCD-Goma et les Rwandais". Il a déclaré que le RCD-K/ML a capturé des soldats rwandais, et les présentera jeudi aux médias à Kinshasa, capitale de la RDC. Il a allégué que le Rwanda a utilisé ses prisonniers hutus accusés de génocide - qui ont été libérés de prison et incorporés dans les rangs de l'APR - pour cette attaque. "90 pour cent des soldats que nous avons capturés répondent à cette description," a-t-il ajouté. Le porte-parole du RCD-Goma, Jean-Pierre Lola Kisanga, a déclaré que le mouvement a repoussé l'attaque lancée par les forces de coalition des troupes du gouvernement et par les combattants Interahamwe transportés depuis Mbuji-Mayi sur des avions appartenant à Uhuru Airlines. Les Interahamwe sont des milices ethniques en grande partie responsables du génocide d'environ 800 000 Tutsis et Hutus modérés politiquement au Rwanda en 1994. Lola Kisanga a déclaré que le RCD-Goma a tué 18 soldats des forces de coalition et en a blessé grand nombre, mais n'a eu dans ses propres rangs que trois blessés et aucune perte humaine. Le RCD-K/ML a démenti une alliance avec les Interahamwe, mais a reconnu qu'elles étaient alliées à Kinshasa. "Tout le monde sait qu'il y a des officiers des FAC à Beni, mais pas plus de 200. Ce sont des instructeurs militaires qui ne participent pas aux affrontements, c'est nous qui sommes sur la ligne de front," a expliqué Kolosso Sumahili, secrétaire général du RCD-K/ML. Les deux camps ont reconnu que leurs troupes ont utilisé des armes lourdes, provoquant la fuite des habitants de la ville. Néanmoins, aucun bord, ni même la MONUC, n'a pu fournir de chiffres quant au nombre de déplacés. Le RCD-Goma a accusé le gouvernement de Kinshasa d'avoir violé le cessez-le-feu par son soutien au RCD-K/ML. Parallèlement, le RCD-K/ML a accusé le RCD-Goma de violer les accords conclus à Harare et Kampala qui ont reconnu la région de Mbingi comme étant sous le contrôle du RCD-K/ML lorsque ces accords ont été signés. La MONUC avait auparavant confirmé que le RCD-Goma avait lancé une offensive militaire en avril, au cours de laquelle elle a capturé Bunyatenge, Muhanga et Mbingi.

The Article: "Bunia 'stabilising but still precarious', says MONUC"

The security and humanitarian situation in Bunia, northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), was "stabilising but still precarious" on Wednesday, the UN peacekeeping mission there, known as MONUC, reported.

In a news conference in the capital, Kinshasa, MONUC's director of public information, Patricia Tome, said the local Red Cross had recovered 429 bodies and that 74,000 people had been displaced from Bunia, the principal city of Ituri District, since the latest round of fighting erupted in early May. Tome added that 128 children had been separated from their families.

She said that MONUC continued to receive reports of rape, kidnapping and extortion in and around Bunia.

"Villages situated along the Kilo-Mongbwalu axis were abandoned by their residents who fled exactions by armed militias," she said.

However, in a positive development, Tome reported that several hundreds of people who had found refuge in MONUC sites had now returned to their homes.

Tome also reported that MONUC was still unable to confirm the alleged killing of between 250 to 350 civilians in Tshomia on Saturday [see earlier report, "Lendu militias accused of massacre of more than 250"]

While nearly 10,000 people had received 21-day food rations from NGOs operating in Bunia, Tome warned that the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs had reported a massive shortfall in funding for humanitarian efforts in the DRC, with only 18.5 percent of the needed US $232 million for 2003 having been received to date.

On the military front, Tome reported that the Union des patriotes congolais (UPC), an Hema militia which claims to have 15,000 troops and currently controls central Bunia, informed MONUC of the beginning of the cantonment of its troops in a perimeter of six to 20 km from the city.

"MONUC visited a camp where it noticed the presence of 600 UPC troops, Tome said. For the Mission, the announcement of this cantonment is unilateral and was not discussed with MONUC and the multinational force."

She said that the cantonment of armed militias outside of Bunia was required by a mid-March agreement reached among Ituri belligerents.

Sources in Bunia reported that UPC leader Thomas Lubanga had named the outlying locations of Similiabo (along the Bunia - Mandro route), Dele (along the Bogoro - Kasenyi route), Rwampara (along the southwest approach to Bunia) and Kambaokabo (along the Songolo - Komanda route) as the areas to which his forces would withdraw ahead of the arrival of a French-led multinational peace enforcement mission.

However, a humanitarian observer in Bunia warned that should the UPC follow this plan, all access routes into Bunia would be under the control of UPC forces, in which case the humanitarian community would "most certainly" have very limited access to areas beyond UPC force concentrations. This, the observer stated, would "constitute an unbearable security risk for any logistics activities and therefore be totally unusable for relocating humanitarian assistance commodities".

The observer said: "It should be noted that [the multinational peace enforcement] mission would be insufficiently mandated to prevent the asphyxiation of Bunia by UPC armed elements."

The Article: "Annan picks envoys to push formation of unified national army"

UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has appointed two special envoys to help with the formation of a unified national army in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the director of public information for the UN Mission in the DRC, known as MONUC, said at a news conference on Wednesday.

Speaking in the capital, Kinshasa, Patricia Tome said that Annan had selected for the task Moustapha Niasse, who had served as Annan's special envoy for the DRC peace process, and Gen Maurice Baril of Canada, who had served as a military advisor to the UN.

"The two men will be available to work with all parties to help move along the constitution of a new national government," Tome said. "Mr Annan hopes that progress on the political front will help to influence progress on the military front."

Following more than four years of war, Congolese parties reached a power-sharing agreement in April that called for the formation of a unified national army. However, disagreement over the composition of the army has delayed the inauguration of a national transition government.

Most recently, the Rwandan-backed Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma) rebel movement suspended its participation in the follow-up committee to the inter-Congolese dialogue, accusing the Kinshasa government of trying to monopolise control of a unified national army. However, the group rejoined negotiations being held in Kinshasa on Wednesday.

"We have returned because we want the process to move forward," Jean-Pierre Lola Kisanga, RCD-Goma spokesman, told the media.

Tome also announced a visit by the UN Security Council to the subregion, from 7 - 12 June 2003. The 15 member states currently forming the Council are scheduled to visit Angola, Burundi, DRC, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda.

The Article: "Interview with Jean-Marie Guehenno, UN Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations"

The UN Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, Jean-Marie Guehenno, concluded on 31 May in Kinshasa, capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), a regional tour that also included visits to eastern and northeastern DRC, Uganda, Rwanda, and South Africa, in advance of the deployment of a multinational emergency intervention force authorised by the UN Security Council for the troubled northeastern DRC city of Bunia. In this interview with IRIN, Guehenno provided details about what this multinational force would look like. He also emphasised the importance he placed on having Congolese and regional leaders actively involved in restoring peace to the Great Lakes region.

QUESTION: The UN Security Council on 30 May authorised the deployment of a multinational force to Bunia. When do you expect the deployment of this force to begin?

ANSWER: The resolution was just approved yesterday, so little time has been lost. I know that there was a meeting held on Friday among countries willing to contribute troops, so things have proceeded rapidly with regard to finalising the composition of the force. The countries contributing to the force handle military planning. I think this force will be deployed very soon, but I do not have a precise date because it is the countries contributing to this force that will decide on the exact date of deployment. In the meantime, however, our Uruguayan contingent is doing a magnificent job in Bunia. I believe that the people of Bunia have already begun to realise that the international community is coming to their aid.

Q: Is there not a risk that fighting could resume if the deployment of this multinational force takes too long, because so far the UN presence in Bunia has not hindered belligerents from fighting, despite the ceasefire they signed in Dar es Salaam?

A: Those who would resume fighting while the Security Council has unanimously adopted this resolution are taking on a very serious responsibility. Today, there is no longer a culture of impunity. Whoever thinks that he can assassinate, that he can drug young children and use them for armed combat, whoever thinks they can get away with this will find himself before a tribunal one day. I believe that everyone would be well advised to follow the path to peace rather than that to armed conflict.

Q: Before the most recent eruption of major fighting in Bunia, there were about 800 UN Uruguayan peacekeepers along with 700 police officers dispatched by Kinshasa, but that did not prevent new clashes. Do you think that the multinational force to be sent will be sufficient to dissuade militiamen from resorting once more to violence?

A: First of all, the deployment of the 800 UN peacekeepers took place after the eruption of these hostilities. When they began, there were about 400 UN peacekeepers in place. And as for the Congolese police officers, I do not think they were prepared for the situation that faced them. We think that under the current conditions in Bunia, it is very important that an international force be deployed to Bunia and that its deployment beyond Ituri at present is not advisable.

Q: What will become of these combatants, of whom the majority are children, after the deployment of the UN emergency intervention force?

A: Reintegration programmes for these children will be needed. Of course, they will first need to surrender their arms. The use of child soldiers is a horrible thing, and unfortunately we have seen the phenomenon in many of Africa's conflicts, such as in Sierra Leone. During a visit to Sierra Leone, I visited a magnificent programme run by an NGO that was taking care of demobilised child soldiers - some of whom their families refused to take in because of the crimes the children had committed - in an effort to give them back their childhood, which had been stolen from them by criminals using them as combatants.

Q: How will the task of the emergency intervention force be different from that of the UN Mission in the DRC, known as MONUC?

A: This [multinational force] is a mission that is authorised under Chapter Seven of the UN Charter, which means that it is a peace enforcement mission rather than a peacekeeping mission. So there is a major difference: the conditions for action by the emergency intervention force are totally different from the conditions for action by the MONUC Uruguayan contingent. Furthermore, because this will be a peace enforcement mission, they will be better armed than are the Uruguayans. They will have far greater means to impose peace, to stabilise Bunia, than the Uruguayans - who despite all these limitations have succeeded in making the difference between life and death for thousands of Bunia residents - have available to them.

Q: During your meeting with Rwandan President Paul Kagame were you able to obtain his assurances that there would be no obstacles put in the way of the intervention force's deployment?

A: President Kagame wrote a letter to the UN Secretary-General in which he clearly stated that Rwanda would happily welcome the deployment of a multinational force. And the concerns [Kagame] expressed in his letter, as well as those expressed in a letter from the Ugandan President [Yoweri Museveni] have been taken into account in the Security Council resolution. I believe that the position Rwanda has taken on this matter at the highest level is perfectly clear. We are counting on the active involvement of Rwanda to ensure that all necessary measures are taken to prevent any further escalation of violence so that the situation of the civilian populations of Bunia and all of Ituri improves.

Q: France has already stated that it would be willing to lead the multinational force in Bunia, and other countries have expressed interest in participating. Can you clarify which countries, exactly, will be taking part in this force, and how the deployment of this force will take place? Will all troops arrive at the same time, or will the deployment take place in stages?

A: The composition of this force is still being decided. According to the information I have, French troops will comprise one half of the force, while other countries will comprise the other half. I know that a meeting among nations contributing troops was held on Friday in New York. As I am in Kinshasa, I therefore do not yet have all the details on the outcome of this meeting. However, I think that we will see the participation in this force of both African and European, as well as possibly Asian and Latin American soldiers. There is a truly global mobilisation underway. I think that this will enable the force to not only be efficient, but to be a force that demonstrates the engagement of the entire world for Congo.

Q: You visited Bunia, where two MONUC military observers were brutally murdered and there was widespread talk of a possible genocide. What might be the consequences for these crimes?

A: There have been horrific crimes in Bunia and Ituri [District], massacres where the ethnic dimension was present. The deployment of this emergency intervention force has, of course, the objective of stabilising the situation in Bunia and preventing such atrocities from continuing. You have also raised the question of impunity and the necessity to judge those who have incited and used armed groups to commit these crimes that I have seen with my own eyes: children who must be no older than 11 years carrying weapons that are bigger than they are, drugged before being sent into combat. There has been a disgraceful manipulation of innocent children, and those responsible must not go unpunished.

MONUC is at present gathering all information available on such crimes, including the murder of our military observers, which was a hateful crime. What could be more hateful than attacking unarmed observers - who are always unarmed and put their trust in the various parties to the conflict for their security? What is more hateful than killing a partner who has come to a country in an effort to bring peace? Such crimes must not go unpunished. We must begin by gathering all information available, and one day there will be a tribunal. There is the International Criminal Court. There is the possibility for judgment some day, and I believe this day will come. For the moment, what is most important is to stabilise the situation and stop these crimes, to end the terror that can be seen in the faces of the women and children of Bunia, such as those I saw while visiting camps for the displaced.

Q: Those who are fighting in Ituri were not parties to the inter-Congolese dialogue and believe that their points of view were not taken into account by the peace agreement. What do you plan to do to ensure that their demands are taken into account in order to bring an end to hostilities?

A: That is an important question, the relation of the inter-Congolese dialogue and the situation in Ituri. The current dynamic in Ituri is not represented in the inter-Congolese dialogue. I think that the inauguration of an interim administration in Ituri is a very important political act. I met the president of the administrative assembly of Ituri, as well as the coordinator and the other people responsible for this administration. I believe that these well-intentioned people can bring about a new political dynamic in Ituri. It is necessary that all those who wish to play a role in the politics of Ituri join this process and commit themselves to it totally. By doing this, I am convinced that with the stabilisation of the situation in Ituri a link can be made between this local process and that national process.

Q: The resolution authorising the deployment of the multinational force is valid only until 1 September 2003 and only in Bunia, not the rest of Ituri District. However, as massacres have occurred outside of Bunia, do you think that the presence of the intervention force in Bunia will be sufficient to prevent massacres from occurring in the rest of Ituri?

A: Although the deployment of the emergency intervention force is planned until 1 September 2003, the UN resolution also notes that the deployment of the second MONUC task force should be taking place in the meantime - a first contingent to be deployed in Kindu and a second to be deployed in Ituri. Therefore, there will be other MONUC military forces in place to contribute to the stabilisation of the region. However, the military strategy -that of deploying a multinational force - must by all means be accompanied by a political strategy. When Uganda withdrew from Bunia and the majority of Ituri, the interim administration in Ituri had just come into being; it had not yet been consolidated. It is imperative that at the same time the international community is deploying this multinational force, that it also provide all necessary support to the interim administration so that the political process sought by the people of Ituri take root. Furthermore, it is essential that all national and regional stakeholders support the political process, as called for by the UN resolution. I think that the international community will continue to remain engaged with these stakeholders to ensure that these promises are kept.

The deployment of a multinational force is only one aspect of a greater strategy by the international community to obtain the full cooperation of all actors who have an influence on Ituri and to bring humanitarian aid to the people of Ituri in need.

This force will be deployed to Bunia and not to all of Ituri because Bunia is the heart of Ituri, and a consolidation of the political process in Bunia should have a positive effect throughout the region if all elements of the global strategy are put in place.

The attention of the entire world is today focused on Ituri, and we shall see if the violence in Bunia spreads to the rest of Ituri. If this does happen, I am convinced that it would not go unnoticed by the Security Council, we would not fail to inform the Council of any information we had regarding the situation in the rest of Ituri. I believe that by deploying this force in Ituri, the Council has sent a very strong message to all that this is not simply a call for peace, but a demand. Starting with Bunia, this is a message for all of Ituri.

Q: You have said that the humanitarian situation in Ituri and in Bunia remains very worrisome. What emergency action does the UN plan on taking to prevent a worst-case scenario from occurring?

A: The UN's humanitarian commitment to Bunia is a very strong one. During my visit to Bunia I was able to see the role that MONUC has been playing in the humanitarian effort at the most difficult time. When it is not possible for civilian personnel to remain in place because of violent combat, it is the soldiers of MONUC who have distributed food to the people of Bunia. It is the soldiers of MONUC who have protected the food warehouses that would otherwise have been pillaged, causing even greater suffering. It is MONUC that has ensured the security of the emergency hospital that is located next to the MONUC base. And now, in the shadow of MONUC, there is a major humanitarian effort underway. I know, for example, that the NGO Medecins Sans Frontieres has just set up a hospital in Bunia. There is also a German NGO, AgroAction, which is playing a very important role in the purification of water and distribution of food in Bunia. An international mobilisation has begun in Bunia, before the multinational force has even been deployed, thanks largely to the courage of MONUC's Uruguayan contingent there.

With the deployment of the multinational force, I think that these humanitarian efforts can be further increased in Bunia in partnership with those responsible for Ituri - the interim Ituri administration, which is the political body that must define the needs of the people of Ituri. It is very important that the people of Ituri take control of their own destiny, with the international community providing assistance sought by the interim Ituri administration.

Q: What was the objective of your tour of the region, which took you to DRC, Uganda, Rwanda and South Africa?

A: This is my fourth visit to the DRC. This is a visit that once more bears witness to the commitment of the United Nations to end this terrible war that has destroyed the Congo. I believe that the upcoming visit of the Security Council will serve as further testament by the international community of its commitment to the DRC. This commitment can also be seen in the fact that I am here when I was supposed to be in New York for the international day of peacekeepers and peacekeeping, as I am responsible for all peacekeeping missions. I wanted to be in the DRC because I appreciate the importance of MONUC in UN peacekeeping efforts. In the 50-plus years that such operations have existed, some 1,800 people have died in peacekeeping missions. MONUC has lost 18 such people, including the most recent tragic loss of our military observers in Ituri. Thus, the commitment is there: sometimes with tragic incidents. Therefore I wanted to be here as testament to the solidarity of UN headquarters with our people in the field, and to see for myself what support might be necessary at this critical juncture in the DRC peace process.

In just a few days I have crossed the DRC. I also went to Uganda, Rwanda, and South Africa. On the political front, I met [DRC] President [Joseph] Kabila. I met all the members of the follow-up committee [of the inter-Congolese dialogue], even if I did not meet all of them together as I would have wished, although I know that will come shortly. I met the international committee to accompany the transition. Thus, a vast array of political contacts made in the DRC.

I met presidents [Yoweri] Museveni [of Uganda] and [Paul] Kagame [of Rwanda]. I held political discussions in Pretoria [South Africa]. I also wanted to visit the field. I was in Bunia, where I was able to see firsthand what the words "human suffering" mean, as with the tragic situation of people who have sought refuge under our courageous contingent of Uruguayan soldiers. I saw the reality for myself, because a gun battle erupted while I was in Bunia. I saw the blood that has been spilled. I believe that MONUC's presence has made all the difference in preventing much larger massacres that could have occurred. It is a situation that remains horrific, but which has been contained thanks to the courage of the UN peacekeepers.

It is clear that MONUC is a mission with troops who are not combat troops and with a mandate that does not authorise combat and thus can not truly stabilise the situation as is necessary in Bunia and as has now been demanded by the Security Council.

I also visited [the eastern DRC city of] Kindu on Friday, which is going to play a very important role because it is from Kindu that the first MONUC task force will deploy. In Kindu I again saw the commitment of the international community because I saw the deployment of South African troops, I saw the inauguration of a hospital built for MONUC by China, which is also contributing logistically to MONUC with military engineers in Bukavu, which is very much appreciated. I believe that all of this was very important for me because it showed a genuine commitment on the part of the international community. I also saw in Kindu the first elements of an air support unit provided by Sweden.

In the city of Kindu, all continents of the world are united in solidarity because Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas - there are also Uruguayans in Kindu - are all there for the Congo.

Q: What conclusions have you drawn from this visit to the region?

A: The principal conclusion of this visit is that we are now at a turning point in Congo. A turning point because the commitment of the international community is there, it is visible. A moment ago I mentioned the deployment of our troops in Kindu and throughout eastern DRC and the reinforcement that is currently underway within MONUC. I would also like to draw attention to Resolution 1484 adopted unanimously on Friday by the Security Council, authorising the deployment of a multinational force in Bunia and at the airport of Bunia. It is an international force acting under Chapter Seven with a change in the nature of engagement of the international community with a mandate to stabilise Bunia and thereby bring a halt to deterioration of the situation in Ituri.

Another conclusion that I have drawn from this mission is that the commitment of the international community must now respond to a similar commitment from the Congolese, on one hand, and the rest of the region, on the other. This commitment must manifest itself in various ways. I believe that what I have said about the commitment of the international community - be it the authorisation for deployment of a multinational force in Bunia or be it the current deployment of MONUC troops in eastern DRC - that this would not have been possible if the international community had not seen the Congolese engaging in a political process. A national political process with the Pretoria agreement, a local political process with the interim administration in Ituri - it is essential that these political commitments now become concrete realities.

I was very concerned with the suspension of the work of the follow-up commission. I am happy to see that following the declaration of the secretary-general of RCD-Goma [Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie rebel movement] the follow-up commission can resume its work. It is fundamental that all Congolese now come to the table to discuss the immediate installation of a national transition government, which can only be done if each party agrees to be flexible and practical, as is necessary with any negotiation. By this it is understood that mutual concessions must be made in order to reach an accord that is agreeable to everyone. Therefore, the installation of this national transitional government is, I believe, a priority for the Congo and a priority for the international community that will be following very closely the manner which progress is or is not made.

The other test with respect to the commitment of the Congolese and of the region is the situation on the ground. I was encouraged by the commitment of presidents Museveni and Kagame to mobilise all of their influence toward stabilising the situation in Ituri. I believe that everyone must make the maximum effort to ensure that the political path replaces the military path, because there is no other option than the political option. I must say that in discussions I held with MONUC authorities in Kindu, my fears regarding the situation in the Kivus was, unfortunately, confirmed. The situation in the Kivus remains very dangerous. We have received reports of troop movements, military offensives and counter-offensives. It is clear that the programme for disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration [DDR], that is an essential element of the mandate of MONUC cannot be successfully implemented in the middle of armed combat. Fighting must stop. Peace must be established throughout eastern DRC. How can it be that people who are preparing to form a government of national unity are at the same time waging war in the Kivus? The international community will be watching very carefully. The evolution of the situation of fighting and violence in the Kivus will be a very powerful signal that the Congolese send to their neighbours and to the international community.

In conclusion, I would say that the elements are present so that peace might be restored after so many tragic years of war. The price paid by the Congolese people is immense. There can no longer be a culture of impunity for those who have incited war crimes and in some cases crimes against humanity. All parties must now assume their responsibilities. I think that peace is possible. The international community is ready and willing to help. It began to do this on Friday by authorising the deployment of this multinational force. It began to do this by reinforcing MONUC in allowing it to have the means to implement a DDR programme in the east of the country. I also saw to what degree the deployment of a MONUC contingent is an element of stabilisation and encouragement for the population. About one year ago I visited Kindu as MONUC was beginning to deploy there. The difference between Kindu today and Kindu then is like night and day - then being the night, now being the day. There are more people in the streets, a greater sense of peace. There is still a great deal of poverty and misery, and great deal of work lies ahead. And this will require the commitment of the Congolese people. I believe that such efforts will find active support from the international community, which will be following the situation very closely to see that genuine progress is being made on the ground.

I was very encouraged by President Kabila's commitment to peace. I was very encouraged by the contact I had with other members of the follow-up commission [of the inter-Congolese dialogue]. Thus I think that the will is there. Now that will must be translated into action on the ground, at which point a peaceful and prosperous Congo can finally rebuild itself.

06 / 04 / 2003 

IRIN

The Article: "Church aid body gives medicines to survivors of Bunia killings"

The Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD) has flown eight metric tons of medical supplies to Bunia, in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, for the survivors of recent fighting between rival ethnic groups.

CAFOD reported on Tuesday that it had also set up an emergency task force made up of Caritas Congo, Caritas Goma and Caritas Bunia. Caritas is the worldwide global network of Roman Catholic aid agencies.

The task force, CAFOD reported, was already working in a camp of 40,000 people in Muhito, 12.9 km north of Bunia and was planning to expand its operation to provide food and shelter for the thousands of displaced people who fled their homes recently. CAFOD said that people were slowly returning to their destroyed homes and were without food.

The NGO, which is the development agency of the Roman Catholic Church in England and Wales, said it had made an emergency grant of 25,000 pounds sterling (US $40,722) to the emergency.

Fighting between Lendu and Hema communities erupted in Bunia, the main town in Ituri District, just days after the Ugandan army pulled out of the northeastern town. Hundreds of people were killed in the ensuing fighting.

"Our partners say that there could be further mass killings if an international peacekeeping force is not deployed as soon as possible - it is literally a matter of life and death," Antonio Cabral, CAFOD's programme officer for the region, said.

A battalion of UN troops in Bunia was unable to stop the May killings. However, the UN Security Council approved on Friday the deployment of a multinational emergency force for the town. Several countries are weighing the possibility of contributing troops or other services to the force.

"The [UN] member states must provide the funding, the troops and the necessary logistical support to protect the people of the Congo not just in Bunia but throughout the whole country," Matthew Carter, CAFOD's head of emergencies, said.

>>>>> The CAFOD item

06 / 03 / 2003 

IRIN

The Article: "N Secretary-General recommends one-year extension for MONUC"

UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has recommended a one-year extension of the mandate for the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, MONUC. If accepted by the UN Security Council, the mandate wound run until 30 June 2004. Annan's recommendation was contained in a new report published on Monday in New York. He also called for an increase in MONUC's authorised military strength from 8,700 to 10,800, the UN News Service reported.

In addition, Annan recommended that the strength of the civilian police personnel be increased to 134 from the current 100. He added that between six and 48 additional officers may be needed depending on training requirements.

UN News reported that MONUC's immediate priorities would include helping parties establish the transitional government and helping and sustaining peace initiatives in the troubled Ituri District. Annan said that an increase of the specialised personnel to support these operations would also be needed.

"The magnitude of the challenges should not be underestimated," he said.

While welcoming the recent withdrawal of Ugandan troops from Ituri, Annan said that Kampala and other actors "must recognise their accountability for the actions of the armed groups they helped create".

As such, he said, they "must stop" supplying these group arms, refuge and other support.

Annan recommended the possibility of imposing an arms embargo in Ituri and North and South Kivu provinces.

His recommendations come on the heels of a Security Council approval on Friday for the deployment of an emergency multinational military force for Bunia, the principal town in Ituri. The French-led force would operate under Chapter Seven of the UN Charter that authorises the use of military force in response to "any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression".

France has agreed to lead the force and provide 700, of the 1,400 troops whose operation will end 1 September. Calling for the rapid deployment of the force, the Washington DC-based NGO Refugees International suggested on Monday measures to help bring peace to Ituri.

Refugees International said UN members states should respond "fully and immediately" to the Security Council's call for additional troops for MONUC and the French-led multinational force. The NGO said the multinational force should deploy immediately "and enforce its mandate to impose peace" in the region. In addition, the NGO said that MONUC troops should "respond aggressively" under Chapter Seven rules to protect MONUC personnel, missions, and the civilian population.

Refugees International called for the installation of UN-sponsored Radio Okapi in Ituri to provide news and information to the public and counter the threats and the hate propaganda of armed groups. Also, it said the United States and other nations should call on Rwanda and Uganda "to cease all support to armed groups and militias in DRC and take appropriate actions for failure to comply.

L'article: "RDC-OUGANDA: Arrivée de 450 réfugiés congolais"

Un nouveau groupe de 450 réfugiés congolais sont entrés en Ouganda ce lundi, en suivant le dernier bataillon de l'armée ougandaise qui se retirait de la République démocratique du Congo. Epuisés et affaiblis, de l'eau jusqu'aux genoux, les réfugiés se sont frayés un chemin à travers les épais marécages de Rwebisingo, dans le district de Bundibugyo, emportant avec eux quelques effets personnels.

Le 19 mai, les troupes ougandaises du secteur nord du district d'Ituri ont achevé leur retrait de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) mais il restait encore des troupes ougandaises dans le sud de l'Ituri. Le bataillon qui s'est retiré lundi était le dernier, selon des observateurs internationaux. Plusieurs observateurs, dont ceux de la Mission de l'ONU en RDC (MONUC) ainsi que les attachés militaires de missions diplomatiques en Ouganda représentant la Grande-Bretagne, les Etats-Unis, l'Afrique du Sud et la Russie, ont été transportés par hélicoptère pour surveiller le retrait final. "C'est fini," a lancé à IRIN le lieutenant colonel, l'attaché militaire britannique. "J'étais à Nebbi il y a deux semaines et j'ai observé le retrait de quatre bataillons ougandais du nord du pays. Celui-ci est le quatrième et le dernier bataillon du sud de l'Ituri." En même temps, une délégation française de cinq officiers supérieurs militaires est arrivée lundi en Ouganda pour évoquer la possibilité d' utiliser l'aéroport d'Entebbe comme base des opérations de maintien de la paix en Ituri. Le premier consul français en Ouganda, Yves Drillet, a indiqué à IRIN que l'équipe dirigée par le directeur français des affaires africaines, Bruno Joubert, a rencontré le président ougandais Yoweri Museveni. "Nous avons évoqué la mission à Bunia [principale ville de l'Ituri] et les aspects techniques en matière de transit pour aller ou venir d'Entebbe," a expliqué M. Drillet. "Nous leur avons livré la résolution 1484 du Conseil de sécurité [de l'ONU] en leur expliquant qu'il s'agit d'un effort multinational, pas uniquement français." M. Drillet a ajouté que les autorités rwandaises sont déjà arrivées à Kampala, capitale de l'Ouganda, pour participer aux discussions et a indiqué qu'elles ne voient aucune objection à ce que l'Ouganda soit choisi comme base de la force multinationale. "Après cette rencontre, ils [les émissaires français] se sont rendus à Kinshasa [capitale de la RDC] avant de poursuivre les discussions à Paris," a indiqué M. Drillet à IRIN, ajoutant que "cette opération est transparente. Chacun sait qu'Entebbe a été choisi car c'est le choix le plus logique."

Les premiers éléments de la force, a-t-il dit, arriveront "d'ici la fin de cette semaine et certains seront déployés dès la semaine prochaine". La force sera composée de troupes mises à disposition entre-autres par la Grande-Bretagne, la France et l'Afrique du Sud. M. Drillet a fait savoir que la Belgique, l'ancienne puissance coloniale en RDC, se préparait également à faire une offre. "Nous ne savons pas encore qui va donner des troupes, des avions," a-t-il dit. M. Wilton a indiqué à IRIN qu'une équipe de reconnaissance du Royaume-Uni devait arriver mercredi en Ouganda pour évaluer le rôle que jouerait la Grande-Bretagne dans la force multinationale. "Je n'ai aucune information précise sur ce que nous fournirons, mais je suis certain que nous contribuerons à cet effort," a-t-il affirmé.

06 / 02 / 2003 

IRIN

The Article: "French-led UN force for Bunia seeks to use Ugandan airport"

A delegation of French officials was due to arrive in Uganda on Monday for discussions with President Yoweri Museveni over the possible use of Uganda's Entebbe airport as a rear base for a French-led international peacekeeping force to patrol Bunia, northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), according to French diplomatic sources.

"The first question we had to ask is will the Ugandan government accept to allow us to use Entebbe?" Jean-Bernard Thiant, the French Ambassador to Uganda, told IRIN on Sunday. "To this the answer is yes."

The move follows the unanimous decision by the UN Security Council to authorise the deployment of an international emergency force to help stabilise the situation in the embattled Ituri District of northeastern DRC. The multinational force, expected to consist of 1,400 men, of whom 700 would be French, would ensure the protection of the Bunia airport, internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the camps in Bunia and, if the situation requires it, to participate in the protection of the population, UN personnel and the humanitarian presence in the town, UN News reported.

Thiant told IRIN that Entebbe was chosen because Bunia airport was too small to land the large aircraft needed to ferry supplies from France.

"That leaves Kisangani as far as Congolese sites are concerned," he said, "but this has the problem that Kisangani's international and domestic airports are miles apart. Equipment would have to be transported between them on poor roads."

"After studying various solutions we realised that Entebbe is the only solution," he said. "Since then we have been cooperating closely with the Ugandan government. But we still have to negotiate the conditions."

The French-led multinational force has been constituted under Chapter Seven of the UN Charter, which authorises it to use military force in response to "any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression".

The Council said that the force is to be deployed on a strictly temporary basis - until 1 September 2003 - to reinforce the UN peacekeeping mission in the DRC, known as MONUC. In that regard, Resolution 1484 authorised UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to deploy a reinforced UN presence in Bunia by mid-August.

Resolution 1484 also called on UN member states to contribute personnel, equipment, financial and logistical resources to the multinational force, and called specifically on countries in the Great Lakes region to provide all necessary support to facilitate its swift deployment in Bunia.

Bunia has been the scene of periodic eruptions of economically motivated ethnic violence for several years, most recently with the withdrawal of the Ugandan army at the end of April. The number of corpses collected by Friday the local Red Cross and MONUC reached 415, according to UN News. On Monday, Bunia was reported to be calm but tense.

Speaking on Friday after the international emergency force was approved, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Sergio Vieira de Mello, said: "This is the Security Council at its best, and a demonstration that the Secretary-General and the Security Council can act swiftly, hand-in-hand, to protect the lives of the civilian population in conflict areas, a paramount human rights and humanitarian concern."

However, certain humanitarian observers expressed reservations about Security Council Resolution 1484, as it does not make any reference to the disarmament of militia elements or a demilitarisation of the region.

"It should be noted that an interim force which is not equipped with a clear mandate to prevent violence against the civilian population by means of force will most likely only be able to maintain the current status quo in Bunia and Ituri, thus implying an unimpeded UPC [Union des patriotes congolais, the ethnic Hema militia that controls central Bunia] reign of terror in Bunia and areas under their control," a humanitarian observer told IRIN.

"The interim force as well as MONUC and the IPC [Ituri Pacification Commission] initiating and supporting entities will have no impact whatsoever on activities of all warring factions in areas other than Bunia," the observer said. "Thus insecurity will prevail and access to beneficiaries outside Bunia will most likely not be able to be extended beyond the present limitations."

Meanwhile, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported on Friday that the refugee influx from DRC into western Uganda had subsided, with no new arrivals reported in the last week in Bundibugyo or Nebbi districts. UNHCR reported that the last significant group of refugees - about 1,500 - arrived in Uganda on 20 May in the border town of Nebbi, behind the last of Uganda's withdrawing armed forces.

The majority of the Congolese refugees have opted to stay with friends and relatives in Uganda, and have not been willing to be moved to government-designated refugee settlements, UNHCR stated. However, Ugandan government officials have continued to register new arrivals for possible relocation to two designated camps: Kyaka II in Kabarole District and Imvepi in Arua District.

A joint government/UNHCR assessment mission was planned for Monday to Bundibugyo District to assess the numbers of refugees willing to relocate to settlements and to make logistical arrangements for their transfer.

Also on Monday, news agencies reported the killing on Saturday of between 100 and 250 Hema militia fighters and civilians in the Congolese town of Tchomia, allegedly by Lendu militias.

"The Lendus attacked the Hemas in Kyomya, located about 30 km from the Ugandan border, once they determined that the Ugandan forces, who had been stuck due to heavy rains, had withdrawn from the zone," Brig Kale Kayihura, the commander of the Ugandan troops that left Bunia, was quoted as telling AFP. However, no confirmation was available from MONUC, as access to the area was not yet possible.