CONGO (Kinshasa)

Rapports sur les relations éthniques / Reports on Ethnic Relations

The following section is consisted of part, full or summaries of articles from diverses sources (newspapers, newsletters, etc...).
La section suivante est constituée d'exraits, de la totalité ou de résumés d'articles provenant d'origines diverses (journaux,bulletins, etc..).

12 / 26 / 2003 

IRIN

"IRIN interview with outgoing MONUC Force Commander, Maj-Gen Mountaga Diallo"

Maj-Gen Mountaga Diallo was appointed Force Commander of the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) in March 2000. Before his appointment by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, Diallo was chief inspector of the armed forces in Senegal, his country of origin.

He began his military career in September 1963, and was successively promoted to the upper military ranks, becoming a Maj-Gen in January 1999.

After serving from 1991 to 1993 as commander of the Senegalese contingent in Liberia and head of the liaison officers with the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), the West African peacekeeping force, Diallo was promoted to the rank of army chief of staff in July 1993, and then assistant deputy chief of staff from July 1996 to January 1998.

Diallo, who is married and has four children, spoke with IRIN on Tuesday. He talked about his nearly four years in the DRC, the difficulties he encountered, the progress that was made and prospects for a lasting peace in the country.

QUESTION: You are completing a four-year mandate as MONUC force commander. How would you evaluate your mission?

ANSWER: It has been a positive experience. The peace process has reached a very good level, which I would go as far as to say is encouraging.

Q: Nevertheless, you have encountered numerous obstacles along the way. What are some of the primary difficulties you encountered during your time as MONUC force commander?

A: There were some difficulties. I would say that we encountered some major problems when we were first trying to deploy our observers. I arrived in April 2000, but it was not until the end of the year that we obtained authorization to deploy them.

Then, the deployment of troops was not easy, even though we had been given a green light under the Kampala accord and the Harare sub-plan - the famous disengagement/redeployment at the beginning of Phase III.

Also, there were problematic moments of a far more serious nature, such as what we faced in Ituri [District, northeastern DRC], in May and June, especially. The murder of our observers in Mongbwalu was one particularly low point.

Q: From several hundred UN military observers in the year 2000, MONUC now has some 10,800 men in the field. Nevertheless, some Congolese and even some international observers continue to accuse MONUC of inefficiency, especially with regard to the situation in Ituri. How would you respond to this criticism?

A: As you have said, we started with a few hundred observers. The elements that joined them later were meant for protection and security of MONUC personnel, installations and materiel.

It is necessary to know what our mandate was, and what means we had available. It is very important to understand the many difficulties we had to face in carrying out our mandate.

As for inefficiency, call it what you'd like, but the ceasefire was respected, and the disengagement and redeployment [of forces] took place. [The forces] generally remained in their new defensive positions without any fighting that led to a degeneration in the status quo and a serious resumption of hostilities. There were a few small clashes, that is all.

As for the DDR [demobilisation, disarmament and repatriation], the withdrawal of foreign troops took place and was verified. There were a few episodes, in particular in Kisangani [in northeastern DRC].

During Kisangani II and III, we only had observers in place. We increased from two teams to eight teams. These observers helped to verify the withdrawal of Rwandan and Ugandan troops, which helped bring an end to fighting in the city. However, complete demilitarisation was not achieved because forces of RCD-Goma [Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Goma, formerly a Rwandan-backed rebel movement that is now part of the Congo's two-year transitional government and unified military] remained in place, which led to many discussions within the UN and even at the level of the [UN] Security Council. These forces remained in Kisangani until the transitional period arrived. Their presence was significant during the time of the Kisangani massacre.

We were told that there had been a mutiny within RCD and that RCD authorities wanted to put it down. We realized that mutiny or not, the management of this affair by RCD had gone almost completely out of control, with exactions and murders being committed.

So we first tried to intervene with the RCD. We carried out patrols, and that is when we came across people who were being shot on Tshopo bridge. The killings were ended thanks to our intervention. For several days more, in peripheral areas and of course during the night, additional operations were undertaken and the situation eventually settled down.

Q: Many people think that MONUC has been incapable of confirming the presence of Rwandan troops who allegedly returned to the DRC after Rwanda's official withdrawal, or that MONUC has been incapable of identifying Rwandan, Ugandan and Burundian forces that have continued to operate on Congolese territory.

A: With regard to accusations of the presence of Rwandan troops, we have conducted numerous verification missions, and continue to do so. But it is important to recognize the difficulties we face. For a long time, there was a kind of "osmosis" between RCD and Rwandan troops, who were present on Congolese territory for several years. Oftentimes, RCD troops were effectively under the command of Rwanda.

There was also the fact that the area controlled by Rwanda and RCD was essentially the same. Furthermore, RCD troops wore the same uniforms and carried the same arms as the Rwandans. So, for a MONUC observer, it is practically impossible to visually distinguish a Congolese [soldier] from a Rwandan [soldier]. Therefore, what was required was an investigation, an in-depth inquiry, and it was for this reason that we asked that mixed teams be assembled including representatives from the Congolese armed forces, MONUC, South Africa, and even representatives from the Rwandan armed forces, to enable us to carry out verifications in the field. In effect, I think that only the Congolese, and those from the east in particular, can tell the difference, can ask the right questions and determine whether a soldier wearing a uniform like everyone else is Rwandan or Congolese.

These operations were carried out in the context of what was called the "third party verification mechanism", TPVM. However, several months of verifications and investigations found no Rwandans present.

Nevertheless, about two or three months ago, we received information about the presence of Rwandan forces. This time, we conducted our verification missions in a more targeted manner. What struck us was that not only did all of the local population say that Rwandan troops were present, but so did Congolese soldiers. Moreover, we ran into a number of obstructions from certain military commanders who presented themselves as Congolese. These commanders denied us access to certain bases, certain locations and certain camps. They also prohibited us from speaking with their men. At that point, we called upon the Congolese armed forces to join us in these verification missions, because by then the unified national army had been inaugurated. This enabled us to accelerate the identification of men, a necessary step in the formation of a unified army.

Q: Why? Did you finally receive authorization to visit those camps?

A: No, because I think that the integration of the [Congolese] army is underway and that this identification will really take place. MONUC will participate in this identification if the Congolese so wish. At that point, we will know if individual Rwandans were present, or if entire platoons had infiltrated Congolese forces.

Furthermore, I think that things will be sorted out because at the political level there exists a willingness on both sides to normalize relations between the two countries. We can only encourage them. I would simply repeat what was said by the spokesman of the Congolese president [Joseph Kabila] who said that they will try to believe that Rwanda is telling the truth until they receive evidence to the contrary.

Q: How would you evaluate the demobilisation, disarmament, repatriation, reinsertion and reintegration (DDRRR) programme?

A: Things have been a bit unblocked and appear to be advancing. First of all, as you know, there was the episode of General Rwarakabije [leader of the Forces democratiques de liberation du Rwanda (FDLR) who returned to Rwanda on 15 November along with some 103 of his soldiers after nearly 10 years in the DRC]. We continue to hope that this will serve to encourage even greater numbers of Rwandan combatants to return from the forests of eastern DRC.

After that, we saw an increase in what we call "Ad Hoc DDR", by which people spontaneously presented themselves to us for repatriation to Rwanda and elsewhere.

Most recently, elements [754 men] of what we called the "Sierra Battalion" were repatriated to Uganda and Rwanda. They had been assembled in Kitona [Military Base, Bas-Congo Province] before returning home.

So, there are encouraging signs. We are continuing to try to make contacts, to disseminate information, to try our best to convince combatants to agree to repatriation. For us, however, DDR remains a voluntary process. The offer is there. Guarantees have been provided by Rwanda. The international community is in a position to check what is happening at any given moment. I think that the combatants will ultimately seize the offer to return to their homes.

Q: How many have been repatriated to date? What obstacles remain to prevent other combatants from returning to their countries?

A: More than 4,000 have been repatriated in total, with their dependants. We are approaching some 5,000 in total.

Perhaps what is preventing others from returning is a fear of what fate awaits them back home. For this reason, we are trying to reassure them that they have nothing to fear. Still others perhaps have no intention of returning [to Rwanda] because they were involved in the [1994] genocide. But let us hope that they will come to some understanding.

Q: UN Security Council Resolution 1493 strengthened MONUC's mandate, authorizing it to disarm and canton armed groups in eastern DRC, with the use of force, if necessary. However, it seems that MONUC has not taken full advantage of this mandate. What has prevented you from doing so?

A: With regard to the east, let's start first with the Kivus and Maniema. With the exception of foreign armed groups which are present - namely, the Rwandan former army [ex-FAR], the Interahamwe [Rwandan Hutu militias], the FDD [Forces pour la defense de la democratie, from Burundi] and the FNL [Forces nationales de liberation, also from Burundi] - you have the Mayi-Mayi [Congolese militias], who are no longer to be considered as an uncontrolled armed group. They are members of the [government] of transition, members of the Forces armees de la RDC [the name of the unified national military], they are taking part in the integration process of the Forces armees de la RDC.

Next, there are the other groups in Ituri. Chapter Seven [of the UN Charter] authorizes us to use force to disarm [armed] groups. Following the establishment of the pacification commission, interim institutions were inaugurated in Ituri. For example, the consultation committee of armed groups in Ituri meets on a regular basis and discusses disarmament and reinsertion.

We have asked these groups to canton themselves, to remain peaceful, to avoid creating insecurity by carrying out exactions, pillage, theft, rape and all other violations against the population.

A plan exists. I am convinced that come the new year, we will without doubt be able to offer reinsertion [into civilian life] to interested combatants who might not be integrated into the national army.

In the meantime, everywhere we are deployed and to whatever degree possible, we are trying to put an end to all types of exactions and disorder. And believe me, clashes are frequent, and unfortunate. The situation will soon be clear: either they [armed groups] take part in the programme for disengagement, reintegration and reinsertion, or we will fight them. In any case, we are fighting and we will fight anyone who tries to create disorder or who carries out attacks on innocent populations.

Q: You played a major role in moving forward negotiations that led to agreement on the formation of a unified national Congolese army. How do you view this unification? Is it still at a fragile stage?

A: I would say that it is advancing. It is on the right track, and I am optimistic. During these final days of my mission, I am still in contact with leaders of the new military. Although we are still at the beginning, there is no reason that it will not continue to move in the right direction.

Q: Politically speaking, do you think the Congolese will be ready to lead their country to elections and a new political order within two years?

A: Yes, absolutely. Perhaps I am just a simple soldier, but I just do not see how the Congolese could accept to continue in the misery that prevails at present. With their leadership now in place, I am convinced that the Congolese want to move forward, want to make of their country what the rest of the world is waiting for: a big, beautiful, rich and powerful country. It is for these reasons that I believe the Congolese will succeed.

Q: You came close to being killed aboard a helicopter that came under fire during a mission to Ituri, where military observers were killed. Investigations were launched, but the results have never been made public. Are you now in a position to tell us what these investigations found?

A: No, not for the moment. As far as I am concerned, I will simply say that these are the risks of the job. I can also tell you that I have risked my life far more seriously in other places, notably in Liberia. Here [in the Ituri incident], what was unfortunate is that I had just spoken with Thomas Lubanga [then the leader of the Union des patriotes congolais militia] and his staff to try to convince them to agree to a ceasefire and to then take part in the preparatory committee of the Ituri Pacification Commission. This was part of implementation of the Luanda Accord. I still do not understand why they tried to get rid of me.

Otherwise, it is true that I lost some men here in accidents, particularly due to landmines in Komanda, near Ikela [central DRC]. And then there were the two who were savagely killed in Mongbwalu [northeastern DRC]. That was incomprehensible. They were simply two unarmed and harmless observers that we deployed following the ceasefire agreement signed by all parties on 18 March. [Those murders] were regrettable and unfortunate.

Q: Political and military reunification are underway. Do you have the impression that you are leaving when there is nothing left to do?

A: No, not at all. I did not choose to leave. It has been planned for at least eight months now. Considering what is typical, I believe that I have had an exceptionally long mission as force commander. Perhaps this was due to the evolution of the peace process. I have no regrets in leaving. I am content to leave knowing that we have reached this nearly irreversible stage.

Q: What must your successor do to see this country through to elections?

A: He must do his job. I have no doubt that he will succeed because those who chose him are the same people who chose me! Moreover, the partners with which he will be working, Congolese in particular, are the same as those with whom I have worked and who helped me to succeed. There is no reason for things not to continue in a positive direction. He will succeed.

Q: What will become of General Diallo after MONUC?

A: General Diallo will return to his home in Senegal. After nearly four years here in Congo and after a bit more than 40 years of service, I am going to hang up my uniform, take off my boots and try to reintegrate myself into civilian life.

12 / 22 / 2003 

IRIN

"RDC-OUGANDA: La MONUC voit une "avancée" dans le rapatriement des rebelles ougandais"

Les responsables de la mission des Nations Unies en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) ont salué le récent rapatriement d'anciens rebelles ougandais opérant en RDC. Ils ont qualifié cet événement "d'avancée décisive pour la normalisation des relations entre l'Ouganda et le Congo". La MONUC a encore estimé que cette importante étape devrait inciter d'autres rebelles ougandais encore présents en RDC à quitter le territoire.
"Ceci permettra à ces deux pays voisins d'avoir des relations diplomatiques normales," affirmé à IRIN Philippe de Bard, chargé des affaires politiques pour la MONUC au quartier général de la mission à Kampala, capitale de l'Ouganda.
La MONUC a commencé, dimanche dernier, le rapatriement de 250 anciens rebelles ougandais - comprenant en plus 147 dépendants - opposés au gouvernement ougandais. Aucune arme n'a été collectée, des sources de la MONUC ayant affirmé à IRIN que ces éléments avaient déjà été désarmés par le gouvernement de la RDC.
Certains d'entre eux avaient été affiliés au mouvement de Taban Amin, le fils aîné de l'ancien dictateur Idi Amin. Taban Amin était rentré au pays à la fin du mois d'octobre après que les autorités de Kinshasa lui eurent intimé l'ordre de quitter l'ambassade de l'Ouganda en RDC qui avait été abandonnée.
M. Amin avait personnellement participé aux négociations relatives au rapatriement de ces rebelles, a affirmé Philippe de Bard. Plusieurs d'entre eux, a-t-il ajouté, ont été alliés aux Forces alliées démocratiques (Allied Democratic Forces, ADF) qui terrorisaient l'Ouganda dans les années 1990.
Le rapatriement, a encore souligné M. de Bard, est le résultat "de négociations très étroites entre les gouvernements ougandais et congolais," facilitées par la MONUC le 6 décembre dernier. La MONUC travaille encore, a-t-il continué, au rapatriement des anciens de l'ADF.
"Etant pardonnés pour leurs actions passées, ils s'inscrivent dans le programme de sensibilisation afin de persuader les autres de faire de même," a déclaré M. de Bard. "Ce qu'ils doivent montrer aux autres, c'est que tout est prêt pour leur retour, et qu'ils n'ont rien à craindre."
Il a décrit "la joie [des rebelles] d'être à la maison. Ils ont dit que c'était un paradis pour eux après tout ce temps".
Malgré les progrès réalisés, les relations entre la RDC et l'Ouganda ont encore du chemin à parcourir. "Ils ne sont pas encore les meilleurs amis," a-t-il déclaré à IRIN.

"Ministerial delegation pushes for national unity in Kisangani"

A ministerial delegation of the political, defence and security commission of the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) arrived on Monday in Kisangani, northeastern Congo, "carrying a message of hope and reconciliation across the country and gauging the state of national reunification at the provincial level", Azarias Ruberwa, one of the transitional government's four vice-presidents, told reporters.

The DRC was left devastated by nearly five years of war. Following the signing of a peace accord on 17 December 2002 in Pretoria, South Africa, a national unity government was inaugurated on 30 June this year. It is due to lead the country during a two-year transitional period culminating in nationwide democratic elections.

In addition to holding a meeting with provincial authorities on ways to improve security in the region, the delegation met with the federation of local merchants as well as with city judges, who have been participating in a nation-wide strike for over a month. It also held meetings with religious leaders, NGOs and military officers.

Finally, the delegation paid its respects to victims of a lightning storm that struck the city on 12 December, leaving five people dead and seven people hospitalised, DRC Human Rights Minister Madeleine Kalala told IRIN by telephone from Kisangani. The government has provided each of the survivors with US $250 to help cover medical costs.

The delegation was scheduled to continue its tour, travelling next to Mbuji-Mayi, in Kasai Oriental Province, and Kananga, in Kasai Occidental Province.

12 / 19 / 2003 

IRIN

"IRIN interview with Carol Bellamy, executive director of UNICEF"

Carol Bellamy, the executive director of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), on Wednesday completed a three-day mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which highlighted the importance of children's education, especially of girls, and the need to bring an end to rampant crimes of sexual violence against women and girls.

In addition to visiting the capital, Kinshasa, where she launched a national campaign to encourage girls' education, she also visited eastern regions of the vast central African country, where, among other things, she met women and girls who have been victims of sexual violence, crimes which remain rampant despite the inauguration on 30 June of a government of national unity.

IRIN spoke with Bellamy on Wednesday in the eastern DRC town of Goma just before she was due to travel to Accra, Ghana, to take part in a regional conference on The New Partnership for Africa s Development.

QUESTION: You have just completed a three-day visit to the DRC, particularly eastern regions, where you met with a number of women who have been victims of rape. What was your impression of this visit?

ANSWER: I was very pleased to be able to visit the Congo again. I was able to become better familiar with the situations faced by women and girls who have been victims of sexual violence.

I was in the towns of Bunia, Katshele and Fataki in Ituri District, in the northeast, in Kavumu and Murhesa in South Kivu Province, and in Goma in North Kivu Province, where I was able to speak with a group of women who had survived sexual violence.

At present, everyone is speaking of national reconstruction, but this cannot take place without human reconstruction, without investment in human resources. Physical reconstruction will not lead to lasting peace without a serious and significant investment in human resources.

Therefore, it is essential that protection be provided to the women and girls who have unfortunately been victims of violence during the armed conflict in this country.

Q: What does UNICEF plan to do for these victims of sexual violence?

A: UNICEF has increased its capacity for intervention in eastern DRC. We plan on maintaining and even increasing this in the years to come. I should also add that I was impressed by numerous local initiatives that have been undertaken.

UNICEF is involved in the recuperation, education and rehabilitation of victims of sexual violence through local NGOs, to whom we lend our support. For instance, on Wednesday, I inaugurated a new building built by UNICEF to serve as a centre to care for women. The NGO Doctors on Call for Service has already cared for some 1,500 women in several locations in the east who have been victims of sexual violence. More than 100 of these women were used as sexual slaves, and suffer from urogenital complications.

Q: Sexual violence has continued to be a major problem despite the installation of a national transitional government. You have met with a number of Congolese authorities during your mission. What assurances did they give you that an end would be put to these persistent crimes?

A: UNICEF cannot speak for Congolese authorities. I hope that the government of this country will soon restore security and ensure that justice prevails.

As is the case with other UN agencies, UNICEF will lend its support to this enterprise, but it is the responsibility of the government to restore order. UNICEF can only support government efforts in this direction.

Q: However, during this time, those committing sexual violence continue to roam freely in this country. What would you like to see the Congolese authorities do in order to bring an end to this impunity?

A: Very little is being done to bring an end to this violence. Congolese leaders must restore the authority of the state. We think that it would be most unfortunate if, during this transitional period, those responsible for rape or other crimes against humanity are not, at least in the long run, brought to justice. While we may not know the individuals responsible for these crimes, we do know to which armed groups they belong and who their leaders are.

Q: On Monday in Kinshasa, you launched a national campaign to promote girls' education [see earlier IRIN story, "UNICEF launches 'All Girls to School' campaign", at http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=38451]. Will this campaign also include girls living in remote regions of the country?

A: Even if the campaign cannot immediately manage to get 100 percent of Congolese children in school, we are convinced that it will create an environment that will encourage children's education.

Furthermore, the installation of latrines and provision of clean water to schools will encourage children to go to school. At the same time, such efforts will also provide an opportunity to educate children about hygiene.

UNICEF's contribution will include the provision of teaching materials to at least 2,000 schools. This support will help to reduce school fees that parents must pay.

Q: During your mission, you also visited community nutrition centres, as well as centres for the training of former child soldiers. What does UNICEF plan to do in this domain?

A: As you know, following the armed conflict in this country, major efforts are under way to demobilise various categories of combatants. UNICEF will lend its efforts to the demobilisation of children. This is no small affair. There are also, for example, girls who have been victims of sexual violence, even within their own villages. These girls will need support.

Almost the same holds true for boys. Certain of them were combatants and committed atrocities near their own villages. Others were far away from their villages. Different modalities will be put in place for each type of child.

Q: What will UNICEF be doing to help child soldiers?

A: The exact nature of our contribution must be determined in consultation with other agencies. However, we do have a great deal of experience in this domain from other countries. This will help us in domains such as education, training, health and reunification of families, all areas in which we have expertise.

12 / 18 / 2003 

IRIN

"Belgium offers to assist in drafting of constitution"

The Belgian Parliament has offered its assistance to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in its drafting of a future national constitution, Belgian Senate President Armand De Decker told IRIN on Wednesday in Brussels, following a four-day mission to the Congolese capital, Kinshasa.

"The Congolese Senate has an historical role to not only serve as a forum for arbitration outside of all political tendencies inside this huge country, but also to pre-draft a future constitution," De Decker said. "That's why I traveled to DRC with two other colleagues at the invitation of Congolese Senate President Marini Bodho, to propose our assistance."

De Decker said the assistance could include an exchange of national counterparts specialized in constitutional law.

During the mission, from 12 to 15 December, De Decker also met DRC President Joseph Kabila.

"He told me that he wants elections to be held before the end of 2005, and that there were no major obstacles to reaching that goal," De Decker said.

He added that while there were "many pretexts" to delay the elections, such as the national census, the organization of elections was primarily a question of political will.

"Current international support will not last forever if too much time is lost," he warned.

According to IRIN sources, local elections could be held in April 2005, parliamentary elections in July 2005 and presidential elections in September 2005; other sources suggest that local and legislative elections could be organized on the same day.

De Decker also said that among the Congolese senators, he found that "minds were really open on the question of nationality", including Congolese Tutsis, known as Banyamulenge, as well as Europeans who had resided in the DRC for a long period.

12 / 12 / 2003 

IRIN

"Le Conseil de sécurité appelle les parties à stopper les violations des droits de l'homme"

Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies a pris acte des progrès réalisés par le gouvernement d'unité nationale de la République démocratique du Congo, a rapporté jeudi le Centre de nouvelles de l'ONU. Le Conseil de sécurité a notamment salué l'amélioration des relations de la RDC avec ses pays voisins. Il a toutefois appelé toutes les parties au conflit à faire le nécessaire pour stopper les violations des droits de l'homme et à lutter contre l'impunité en déférant devant la justice les responsables d'exactions.

Les 15 membres du Conseil ont demandé aux autorités congolaises d'accélérer la mise en oeuvre de l'accord de paix en "adoptant un programme national de désarmement, démobilisation et réintégration des combattants et en réformant les forces armées et de police".

D'ici les élections générales de 2005, a estimé le Conseil, le pays devra être doté d'un service de sécurité efficace et tous les groupes armés étrangers devront être intégrés dans des programmes de désarmement-réintégration.

Le Secrétaire général adjoint aux opérations de maintien de la paix, Jean Marie Guéhenno, avait quant à lui indiqué, dans son exposé au Conseil sur l'évolution de la situation en RDC, "qu'il fallait que [ce pays] se dote de programmes d'aide aux combattants rwandais qui souhaitaient rentrer chez eux ainsi qu'aux Mayï-Mayï qui voulaient retourner à la vie civile ou intégrer l'armée nationale."

Le Conseil a encore "vivement insisté auprès du Gouvernement de la RDC pour qu'il conduise des consultations nationales sur la formation et la composition de la Commission Vérité et Réconciliation et qu'il adopte une loi amendée, relative à cette Commission, qui défende les principes des droits de l'homme".

"Child soldiers in eastern DRC"

Ernest and Bossa were not yet teenagers when war broke out in 1998 in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

As the war spread across eastern DRC like a brush fire. People fled their homes, leaving everything behind, as raiders attacked their villages. Some would go back, only to be forced to leave once again at the next attack.

Tired of life on the run, Bossa (16) eventually joined the Union des Patriotes congolais (UPC), a militia dominated by the Hema ethnic group and related communities such as the Gegere, to which he belongs. On the other side of the ethnic divide, 15-year-old Ernest threw in his lot with the Front des Nationalistes et Integrationnistes (FNI), a militia comprising the Lendu and allied peoples such as his community, the Ngiti.

Bossa and Ernest were by no means exceptions. The DRC is one of the countries with the largest number of child soldiers, Amnesty International said in a report issued in September 2003, based on research done in Kinshasa, the capital, and the eastern locations of Beni, Bukavu, Goma and Uvira.

An official of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) estimated in September 2003 that there might be up to 15,000 children in the various armed groups in the east of the country. The government has put the figure at about 30,000. Some of the combatants were as young as eight years old.

Amnesty said in its report, titled 'Democratic Republic of Congo: Children at War' and available online at http://www.web.amnesty.org/library, that "recruitment drives are almost continuous and forcible conscription has been prevalent throughout DRC since 1996 . However, it said voluntary enlistment was also widespread, with some children joining armed groups so as to survive when family, social and economic structures collapsed.

Both Ernest and Bossa were volunteers.

Bossa said he was trained by the Uganda People's Defence Force (UPDF), the Ugandan national army, before joining the UPC. "I went for training with the UPDF because I was frustrated, I had seen too much suffering, and we kept running whenever there was a raid. I then decided enough was enough and joined up," he said.

He was proud of his service in the UPC. "First I was a fighter, then I became a troop leader. In fact, I rose to the rank of sergeant," he said. "I was drunk most of the time, he added. I don't remember how many people I killed but I know they are many."

Ernest, on the other hand, had no particular reason for enlisting in the FNI. "I just wanted to join the militia, he said. Kisirani tu, [ just strong headedness in the Kiswahili language] he added. FNI militia fighters received no salaries, so they simply paid themselves by looting raided villages, he told IRIN.

War broke out in the DRC in 1998 when Uganda and Rwanda sent troops to back rebels bent on toppling President Laurent Kabila. Kabila remained head of state with the aid of Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe until he was assassinated in January 2001. His son, Joseph, then assumed the presidency.

At its peak, the Congo conflict involved troops from these countries, Congolese rebel groups such as the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma) - which later split into three with the formation of the RCD-ML-Kisangani and the RCD-National several local militia groups and Congolese government forces.

Most of the foreign troops left the country by December 2002, but fighting between militias continued in the east and northeast, a region rich in minerals such as diamonds, gold and coltan as well as timber from the rainforests of Ituri District.

In June 2003, former rebel movements joined a two-year transitional government led by Kabila. Since then, fighting has subsided in many parts of the country. However, the main militia groups in Ituri were not incorporated into the government and sporadic fighting has continued in the district, despite ongoing prevention, disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (PDDR) efforts.

The Special Representative of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to the DRC, William Swing, said in Bunia on 1 September that years of war in Ituri had killed 50,000 people and displaced 500,000. Most of the internally displaced people in camps in Bunia, the main town in Ituri, were children and women.

Minors continue to serve in rival militias in the area. NGO officials in Bunia said the exact number of children in the UPC and FNI could not be established as verifying information from the militias was difficult.

In the meantime, UN agencies and NGOs have been trying to help children caught up in conflict in the DRC.

UNICEF, for example, has been working with other groups to ensure that children removed from conflict situations are disarmed, demobilised and reintegrated into society.

A conference held by UNICEF in mid-2003 in the Congolese capital, Kinshasa, came up with a proposed PDDR programme for children who were involved in the conflict, UNICEF child protection officer in eastern DRC, Njanja Fassu, told IRIN. After the meeting - attended by representatives of NGOs, UN agencies, government and armed groups the various actors returned to their areas of operation, where they started implementing the programme while waiting for the transitional government in Kinshasa to endorse it and make it into law, Fassu said.

Save the Children-UK (SCUK) and Caritas, a Roman Catholic NGO, have been involved in the protection, demobilisation and reintegration of former child soldiers in Ituri. As at 3 September, there were 32 former child combatants at a transit camp in Bunia managed by Save the Children and 46 others in a camp managed by Caritas.

Jean-Francois Basse, child protection adviser at the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC French acronym), told IRIN MONUC was involved in a programme, in collaboration with other UN agencies, local and international NGOs, aimed at assisting children who had been involved in armed conflict.

SCUK s project manager in Bunia, Antoine Kassigondo Ntabe, said the NGO started its operations in the town in 2000. At the time, there were many armed groups in Ituri District - both foreign and local - all of which had child soldiers.

Kassigondo said there were reports of some 6,000 to 7,000 children in armed groups in Ituri in 2000.

He said SCUK worked with local bodies such as church groups, women's associations and teachers to disseminate information on the need to remove children from armed groups and to keep them from joining militias.

"We use these organisations to sensitise the population on the harm caused to children who take part in armed conflict, and we tell the people to urge the combatants to stop using child soldiers," Kassigondo said.

SCUK has also been teaching local communities about children's rights, and human rights in general, so that they can lobby militia leaders to release their child soldiers.

In February 2003, it provided training in children s rights for 12 UPC officers in Bunia. The participants said they had a total of about 2,000 minors in their units, but did not know the exact number in the entire militia group. Estimates then were that the militia group had between 4,000 and 6,000 child soldiers.

In April 2003, Save the Children was able to secure the release of 29 under-age combatants by the UPDF, which had been deployed in Bunia to secure the town. Soon after, the NGO failed in a bid to obtain the release of 60 more UPC child soldiers detained in Bunia by the UPDF. Some of the children later arrived at various transit camps.

The French-led International Multinational Force, codenamed Artemis, which replaced the Ugandans in Bunia between June and September 2003, also handed over detained child soldiers at least 10 of them - to the SCUK, Kassigondo said.

Save the Children has also been involved in efforts to reunite former child soldiers and unaccompanied children with their families. In 2003, it has been help in the reunification of at least 900 children, some of them from as far away as Kasese in Uganda.

The reintegration of former child soldiers into the society is not automatic; they are sometimes rejected, so SCUK has been appealing to churches, teachers, women's groups and youth groups to urge the rest of the community to accept them.

"We sensitise them on the need to accept that these are still children and we encourage those children who are still of school-going age to return to school wherever possible," he said. Those who do not want to go back to school are encouraged to learn trades such as fishing or farming.

Save the Children assists groups involved in vocational training by providing equipment from nets to hair dressing equipment for training future barbers.

Kassigondo said that MONUC, for its part, has been helping to provide children with essential services such as water.

One of the major concerns of humanitarian groups was how to remove the remaining children from armed groups. Another was accommodation, according to Father Etienne Ndeykos, head of Caritas in Bunia.

Caritas, for example, had limited capacity to deal with the number of children seeking DDR at the transit centre it runs in Bunia, Fr. Ndyekos said. This recently forced it to turn away 13 children who wanted to register at the centre.

Fr Ndyekos said that, as at September 2003, Caritas had managed to keep all the children in its camp from rejoining the armed groups. It was also working with other NGOs and UN agencies such as MONUC and UNICEF on the children's reintegration into society.

Yet another main challenge faced by caregivers is correcting the psychological damage caused by the war. Caritas has been involved in programmes to demilitarize them, to remove from their minds the notion that they are military, said Father Ndeykos said. "They are just children," he added.

Ndyekos said Caritas was working on how to get the younger children back to school and provide the older ones with vocational skills.

In the meantime, some of the former child combatants still see bearing arms as part of their future. Bossa and Ernest, for example, are clear on what their plans are.

"I was in class seven before joining FNI, now I would like to go to Kinshasa and continue my studies, after which I could like to join the army," Ernest said.

Bossa, who left school at Form Two to join the UPC, hopes to resume his studies and then join the army as a cadet. That way I will be an officer!" he said.

12 / 11 / 2003 

IRIN

"Senior magistrates boycott governing body"

Senior judges in the Democratic Republic of the Congo said on Monday they would boycott their newly-created governing body, the Conseil superieur de la magistrature (CMS).

In a letter to the Ministry of Justice, the 37 senior judges said the boycott was because a legal question mark hung over the body. The CMS was created under the DRC's provisional constitution, and the senior judges attended a ceremony on Saturday presided over by President Joseph Kabila to mark its inauguration.

Despite this, the judges, together with their independent union, the Syndicat autonome des magistrats de la RDC (SYNAMAC), said the convening of the CMS by the Ministry of Justice was unconstitutional and that their protest concerned the independence of the judiciary.

The senior judges also said it was impossible for them to work effectively because of a month-long strike by magistrates and judges who are calling for higher salaries. The judiciary has been paralysed by the strike, and judges admit that resentment is growing.

"Work on all cases has been suspended for a month now," Judge Doret Mputu Ilwa said. "There are many suspects who have been held for more than 48 hours in custody and are waiting to know their fate in provisional detention. The State, in these circumstances, is violating their rights."

Referring to a case in which a man in Kinshasa was burnt to death by youths who suspected him of bewitching one of his own children who had died, Mulekelayi Sitoko, one of the striking magistrates, told IRIN: "Justice is a deterrent, but now that the [judges'] strike has lasted for nearly a month, people like this will permit themselves any sort of crime."

The starting salary for a judge in the DRC is US $12 per month, while the highest-paid judges receive $40 per month. The government has proposed increasing the starting salary to $100 per month; the judges are demanding $950.

"Media watchdog reports ''improving situation'' in 2003"

Journaliste en danger (JED), a national media watchdog NGO in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), has reported an "improving situation" with regard to freedom of the press in the country.

In its annual report for 2003, issued in the DRC capital, Kinshasa, JED highlighted what it called an "improving press freedom situation" in the country.

Overall, JED registered 66 cases of attacks on press freedom in 2003; this figure stood at 67 in 2002.

"This represents a very small improvement," JED said, but noted that "the improving situation is more noticeable when attacks are examined by category".

"As of the publication date of the 2003 report, no journalists are imprisoned for carrying out their work in the DRC," JED said. "This represents a significant milestone when one considers that it is the first time since 1997 that the DRC is marking the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [on Wednesday] with no journalists in prison. On the same date in 1998, there were two journalists in prison, three in 1999, four in 2000, one in 2001 and 2002."

In what it called another encouraging development, JED reported that only two journalists were detained for over 48 hours for reasons associated with their profession in 2003. The figure stood at 16 in 2002.

JED also announced the launch of a national campaign for the decriminalisation of press offences in the DRC. [See earlier IRIN story at http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID=38349]

12 / 10 / 2003 

IRIN

"Une ONG lance une campagne pour la dépénalisation des délits de presse"

L'ONG de défense et de promotion de la liberté de la presse, Journalistes en danger, a lancé mercredi dans la capitale de la République démocratique du Congo, Kinshasa, une campagne de cinq mois visant la dépénalisation des délits de presse dans ce pays.
"Ce projet vise à obtenir de la commission de réforme du droit congolais la suppression, de l'arsenal juridique congolais, des peines d'emprisonnement des journalistes pour les délits de presse tels que la diffamation, les imputations dommageables, l'offense aux autorités, les fausses nouvelles, l'injure, etc. exception faite pour les incitations à la haine ethnique ou raciale, à la violence et au meurtre ainsi que l'apologie du crime et du meurtre," a indiqué le JED.
La liberté de la presse est régie par une loi du 22 juin 1996. Selon ce texte, a expliqué le JED, "un journaliste peut être condamné à la peine capitale pour trahison s'il publie une information considérée comme secret défense". Le JED précise néanmoins qu'à ce jour aucune liste des informations qualifiées de secret-défense n'a été dressée.
La loi est un "héritage des années de la dictature du Maréchal Mobutu", a dit le JED. Il estime que "le moment est propice pour que les défenseurs de la liberté d'expression puissent mener des actions afin d'obtenir une modification des lois qui restreignent la liberté d'expression en général, celle de la presse particulièrement".
Selon les statistiques du JED, plus de 250 journalistes ont été privés de leur liberté pour des périodes plus ou moins longues entre 1997 et 2002.
Le JED a, par ailleurs, rappelé que la Commission des droits de l'homme des Nations Unies estime depuis juillet 1992, que les peines d'emprisonnement pour les délits de presse sont plus destinées à faire taire les journalistes qu'à les corriger.
L'ONG espère, entre autres, au terme de cette campagne qui s'achèvera le 3 mai 2004, la transformation des délits de presse en délits civils, l'amélioration de la qualité de l'information, un accès pour tous à une information libre et pluraliste et la création d'un observatoire des médias.

12 / 09 / 2003 

IRIN

"Integration of former rebels into army begins"

The integration of former rebels into a new unified army in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) began on Monday at a ceremony in the eastern town of Kisangani, attended by Belgian Defence Minister Andre Flahaut along with Congolese authorities.

Some 150 soldiers paraded for the occasion in a common uniform. They included 40 men from the former government army, 40 from the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma) and 40 from the Mouvement pour la liberation du Congo - the two former principal rebel movements. The soldiers symbolically handed over the scarves which denoted their previous attachment.

According to the Congolese Defence MInister, Jean-Pierre Ondekane, 3,700 soldiers would be trained at Kisangani in the next three months and would form a joint brigade of the Congolese army. They would then be deployed in Ituri District, northeastern Congo, to work alongside soldiers of the UN Mission in the DRC, known as MONUC, to restore peace in the region, which has been torn by violence between different ethnic groups.

Some 1,400 soldiers drawn in equal numbers from former rebel groups were already at Kisangani and would take part in the first training course of the new army, Ondekane said.

Flahaut said Belgium would help with the integration of the new forces into one body. Details of the aid were not yet clear, but according to the economic adviser at the Belgium embassy in the Congo, Francois Delhaye, it would include the supply of military material and instructors, with support from France, the UK and the US.

A peace agreement signed on 17 December 2002 in South Africa ended five years of war in the DRC and provided for the setting up of transitional institutions leading to elections after two years. A transitional government of national unity was inaugurated on 30 June and the staff of a new integrated army established on 5 September.

12 / 03 / 2003 

IRIN

"Kabila sets out recovery programme during transitional period"

The president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Joseph Kabila, outlined to parliament on Tuesday his government's economic recovery programme for the duration of transitional government of national unity that is scheduled to end with general elections in two years.

Agriculture, poverty reduction and the setting up of a new democratic order in the country featured among the government's top priorities.

"Food self-sufficiency would be the main objective of the agricultural policy," Kabila said. This objective would only be reached if all the Congolese accept to practice agriculture, fishing, and livestock. That should be the base of economic development."

Kabila told parliament that he would take measures to establish a corruption-free leadership system characterised by good governance, in accordance with an agreement signed by Congolese parties on 17 December 2002 in Pretoria that led to the establishment of the transitional government.

He also promised to increase salaries for judges who have been on strike for about three weeks.

Regarding poverty eradication, Kabila said an economic and social framework would be created to improve living standards. The development of rural areas would be given priority in policies aimed at reducing poverty, he added.

The country was recently admitted into the World Bank s Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative programme, a development that would enable Kabila to continue with his efforts to reduce poverty in the central African nation.