Factors and Ethnic Group Relationships in Contemporary Nigerian Society
Department of Social Work
University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria
Much has been discussed and written about ethnicity. This paper is therefore
intended as a contribution to the management of interethnic/intercultural
conflicts in Nigeria, with a focus on new ways of handling the basic socio-cultural
institutions shaping ethnic consciousness. Furthermore, this paper highlights
the basic social cultural institutions in the country, addresses their
contribution to the present ethnic conflicts and suggests ways of harnessing
their potential to stimulate tolerance in an inevitably ethnically diverse
A nation with diverse ethnic groups and thus cultural diversity would
indubitably face difficulties in formulating, articulating and implementing
strategies that would be acceptable to its vast constituency. That not
withstanding, development initiatives must pay serious attention to this
issue because failure to address diversity can jeopardise such efforts.
When one delves deeply into the issue of ethnic group relationships in
Nigeria, one finds that crucial factors that often surface, and which
must be attended to, are the phenomenon of "Socio-cultural factors"
Culture and Socio-cultural Factors
Culture has become a topical issue in contemporary development discourse.
This could be related to the suggestion by Shuknabb-Kangas and Phillipson
(cited in Jerman, 1998) that since the linguistic and cultural identity
constitutes the core of the cultures of most ethnic groups, "absence
or denial of these linguistic and cultural rights could promote conflict
Culture is seemingly so all encompassing that some people, finding it
difficult to define it, fall into the bandwagon of those who nonchalantly
say, "Culture is the man or Culture makes the man"-probably
because culture is viewed only as the values, institutions, practices
and norms that guide people's relationships or interactions. For me, this
is merely a static view of culture which would suggest that man has remained
the same since the days of our ancestors. Indeed, Jerman (1998) captures
the ever-changing dynamics of the term thus:
The way one relates to somebody has to do with culture. What is very
important is to make an attempt to understand the dynamics of social relationships
in the environment…since culture is integrated in society and social
development it must be made manageable. Culture is heterogenous, dynamic
therefore is that apart from the social and cultural criteria such as
common descent, common language of which we are familiar, and which distinguish
one group from the other in a society, other crucial elements or factors
are regrettably omitted. For this paper, socio-cultural factors englobe
the economic, social, political and educational establishments in a specific
society. So, wherever cultural/ethnic conflicts occur, every facet of
that society is shaken or upset.
2. Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflicts
Obioha (1999) posits that, "Consciousness of one's ethnic origin
or background is a psycho-sociological reality that is largely universal
in nature. Ethnic consciousness may be described as that subconscious
or conscious identification with one's ethnic background." The reasoning
therefore is that conflicts abound in all societies. It could begin with
simple misunderstandings to a point when open and uncontrollable violence
is inevitable, and a constant hostile environment is entrenched (Osaghae,
1993). He also attests that ethnic conflicts could be non-violent or violent.
Non-violent ethnic conflicts occur as part of our daily existence and
are evident in competitive party politics, judicial redress, media protests
and peaceful demonstrations. However, ethnic conflicts habitually become
violent when government either gives a negative response or failes to
respond to persistent expressions of displeasure (Osaghae, 1994).
In brief, ethnic conflicts are bound to occur when people with diverse
cultures, economic conditions and political systems are brought together
regardless of their dissimilarities (Obioha, 1999).
The Emergence of Ethnicity in Nigeria
Cohen (1969:4) depicts ethnicity as the strife among ethnic groups in
their bid to stress their identity and exclusiveness. The stress could
be on the uniqueness of their language (linguistic) or cultural heritage.
This could also corroborate the argument of some African scholars that
ethnicity existed even in our traditional African societies in form of
ethnic boundary disputes.
Nonetheless, it is still upheld that the genesis of ethnic crises in Africa
could be traced to the manner with which ethnic groups were haphazardly
crammed into African States after colonial conquests (Ake, 1993:32, Uroh,
1998:98). Nigeria’s Colonial Governor in the 1920s, Hugh Clifford
cited in Coleman (1958:194), explained to members of the National Council
for British West Africa that this cramming together of the territories
of erstwhile distinct people to form colonial territories was a premeditated
policy of the colonisers. The same Colonial Governor claimed to be "convinced
of the rights, for example, of the people of Egbaland… of any of
the great Emirates of the North… to maintain that each one of them
is, in a sense, a nation…(and that) it is the task of the government
of Nigeria to build and fortify these national institutions." From
this statement, it can be deduced that though the colonisers acknowledged
the differences between the ethnic groups that were crammed together,
the ultimate goal was to dispossess them of the values and practices that
had served as facilitators of social identity and cohesion (Ebijuwa, 1999).
More so, for Oladipo (1998:108) the main aim of this cultural and social
dispossession was to exert such intense control over the people of the
colonies that they would be powerless to question not only colonial practices
but also their guiding assumptions.
Colonial leaders also contributed to the growth of ethnic conflicts with
the imposing of Hausa/Fulani Emirs on the non-Hausa /Fulani ethnic groups.
In effect, leaders of these non-Hausa/Fulani groups were punished for
disobedience to the artificially instituted authorities. Obiorah (1999)
alludes that memories of that period could have provoked the Zangokataf/Hausa
conflict of 1992.
In addition to its exploitative and oppressive action, colonialism also
created a new bourgeoisie class in Africa. After independence, Nzongola
Ntalaja cited in Ebijuwa (1999) reported that the Nationalists were not
only concerned with taking over power from the Europeans, but also with
creating opportunities for plundering the economy to ensure that existing
benefits went to them, their cronies and people of kindred ethnic groups.
From another angle, Udoh (1998:43) argued that the old colonial urban
centres, after rural migration, were the breeding ground for contemporary
ethnicity. It was in these urban centres that ethnic groups acquired that
common consciousness and perceived themselves as separate and autonomous
groups. Also, Lloyd cited in Modo (1999) reported that it was with the
colonisation of Nigeria that the ethnically explicit terms-Yorubaland,
Igboland and Hausaland gained common usage. Not surprisingly therefore,
before independence, major ethnic groups saw a need to be united to enhance
their chances. As such, the Ibibio Union was formed in 1928, the Igbo
State Union in 1934, the Pan Yoruba Organisation "Egbe Omo Oduduwa"
in 1945 and the "Yam Lyar Mulamen Arewa"- Northern Peoples'
Congress in 1949 and the Birom Progressive Union for the Middle Belt in
1950 (Udoh, 1998:45).
Finally, using Nigeria as a case in point, from 1960 to the present, Northerners
have with persistent control of power, cunningly initiated and executed
policies and programmes that would secure key leadership positions for
them in the political and economic spheres of the country. Ebijuwa cited
the case of the much-disputed Federal character clause in the 1979 constitution
(section 14 (3) (a)) presented below:
The composition of the government of the federation or any of its affairs
should be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character
of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity and also to command
national loyalty thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance
of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups
in that government or in any of its agencies.
the inclusion of this principle in the constitution was meant to prevent
the domination of Nigeria's affairs by persons from a few States or ethnic
groups, Northerners have manipulated this principle to control political
power and thus put obstacles to peaceful co-existence in Nigeria. Other
ethnic groups are guilty of the same offence. There was the case of Dr,
Ikejiani, an Easterner and Chairman of the Nigeria Railway Corporation
in the first republic. He was responsible for the appointment of Ibos
as majority holders of senior staff positions of the Nigerian Railway
Corporation and majority staff in the Nigerian Ports Authority (Bamisaye,
1976:90). Similarly, Chief Obafemi Awolowo played on his close relationship
with General Yakubu Gowon, (the then Nigerian Head of State 1967-1970)
and the economic vacuum created by the Ibos as a result of the civil war
to advance the economic, educational, industrial and bureaucratic security
of the Yoruba people (Adesina, 1998: Nnoli, 1981). Whereas some ethnic
groups had people in power creating unlimited benefits and opportunities
for their growth, other minority ethnic groups felt sidetracked from the
scheme of things and this led to a lack of confidence and trust in those
governaning them. Ebijuwa (1999) further explains that:
as the state becomes derelict in its responsibility to its citizens,
that is being unable to cater for the common good of its citizens, they
gradually withdraw into their tribal or ethnic enclaves for social fulfilment.
This withdrawal is enhanced because of the great value traditional Africans
attach to their communal way of life.
It is indeed
obvious that regardless of the contribution of colonial rulers to the
growth of ethnicity in Nigeria, ethnic conflicts may remain unmanageable
when certain issues remain unresolved. For instance, consider, the incessant
disregard for the needs and interests of diverse ethnic groups in the
country or when one ethnic group is consistently in authority and another
ethnic group is consistently in a minority position without due attention
to its needs and interests.
Nigeria (Year 1995)
Rural population: 60.7%
Population by ethnic composition
Roman Catholic: 9.9%
African indigenous: 8.7%
The Robinson Rojas Archive (1998)
Nigeria has a higher percentage of Muslims than any other country on the
African continent. Not surprisingly, differences in religious inclinations
have become the major social division in Nigeria. This could be attributed
to the colonial tendencies that brought about a regionalization of Nigeria’s
religious geography. For instance, a greater percentage of Christians
are concentrated in the southern part of the country while Muslims abound
in the northern half of the country. More importantly, a high percentage
of Christians and Muslims reside in many large urban areas. The Standard
10 report on Nigeria (2001) believes that this could pose serious problems
because, “Just as ethnic separatism is more vital when ethnic groups
are concentrated in space, so are religious conflicts more troubling when
they are accompanied by geographical concentration.”
Related to this is the fact that religious or ethnic groups could seek
to exert some influence on government. The Nigerian sharia’a law
debate is a vivid example of a regional religious conflict.
Since the late 1990s and with the transfer of power from the military
to civilian rule, Muslims in the north have ceaselessly demanded the introduction
and use of the sharia’a (a set of rules and regulations as evident
in Islamic law). In the heat of Christian protestation at the end of 1999,
the Northern State of Zamfara was the first to announce the introduction
of the sharia’a. After this announcement, several Northern States
indicated intent to join in the seemingly laudable course, regardless
of the fact that under such a law, the future of non-Christians would
be either unknown or could be jeopardised. Though proponents of Islamic
law explain that the enactment of the sharia’a will not apply to
Christians, citizens of Nigeria are still wary of the deplorable act of
chopping off of arms and legs as punishment to erring Muslims. There are
also the segregation tendencies of the law which advocate separate taxis
and buses for men and women, a ban on the sale of alcoholic drinks and
separate schools for boys and girls in sharia’a practicing States.
The social changes that follow the adoption of the sharia’a in some
Nigerian States are bound to affect Christians or non-Muslims. An example
was the violent and bloody riots of mid-February 2000 that erupted with
the announcement by the Kaduna State government that it was considering
the introduction of the sharia’a in the State which has a strong
Christian and Muslim following. Some people may view the sharia’a
dispute as merely a conflict between Muslims and non-Muslims but The Standard
10 report on Nigeria (2001) analyses it as a battle by individual Nigerians
over place. So, for the Muslims, religion and more specifically the sharia’a
is of paramount importance in the making of place. This sense of place
could include the embodiment of emotional associations, meanings and unique
characteristics associated with particular places. For instance, a sense
of place associated with many Islamic areas could be the massive human
road block around Central Mosques during Friday prayers or the loud five
times a day regular call to prayer.
Also related to religion is the recent September 2001 religion-motivated
violent demonstration in the erstwhile peaceful city of Jos. There are
indications that the mostly Christian population was displeased with the
appointment of a Moslem to head a strategic post in the State. This displeasure
resulted in bloody riots that got churches and mosques burnt, left many
wounded, dead, homeless or simply dependent on relief material.
It is therefore evident that in Nigeria, people are often appointed or
recommended to prominent positions in government on the basis of religious
sentiments rather than on that of visible competence. This could be detrimental
to citizens practicing minority religions such as the African traditional
Since the shift from traditional African education to the Western type,
education is another socio-cultural institution that has posed a threat
to ethnic group relationships in Nigeria. The debate among Nigerians always
boils down to comparisons between the north and the south. Generally,
educational standards in the coastal states of the south have been far
ahead of those in Northern Nigeria. This could be explained by the initial
16th century contact with missionaries or Europeans in the coastal towns
of Lagos, Port Harcourt, Abeokuta and Calabar. Through untiring missionary
efforts, these coastal towns were quick to imbibe European education before
the later European contact with Northern Nigeria in the 19th century.
Thus, the disparity in education between the north and the south was great
and made even greater with the colonial policy of indirect rule. Under
this, Northern Nigeria under the emirs agreed to cooperate with colonial
rule if the British did not interfere with the status quo in their region.
With this agreement, missionaries were banned from operating schools and
preaching in Muslim dominated Northern Nigeria.
With Independence in 1960, the political effect was even more critical.
There was the growing fear by Northern leaders of losing their independence
to more educated southern Nigerians. To safeguard their territory, southerners
were banned from gaining employment in the Northern Nigerian Regional
bureaucracy. While, in an attempt to close the yawning educational gap,
a University was opened in Zaria, with entry requirements for northerners
that were far below those required of southern candidates (Washington
Times-Nigeria, 1999). Such imbalances in educational standards across
Nigeria ignited negative ethnic sentiments against the aggressive northern
bid in the area of education.
In order to offset or reduce this educational imbalance in Nigeria’s
multi-ethnic community, the “Quota System” was introduced
for admission into all Federal educational institutions (Primary, Secondary
Schools and Universities). The policy allowed 20% for those States categorised
as educationally under-developed, 30% for candidates from the geographical
areas in which the school was established, 40% reserved for academic merit
and 10% for institutions discretional admission.
Inspite of the fact that this policy appeared fair on paper, the ideas
of catchment area and the “educationally disadvantaged” were
misconstrued and misapplied by successive administrators or politicians
for fifteen (15) years after its introduction. A major consequence is
that academic excellence as criteria for admission is accorded second
place with preference to being given to disagreeable non-academic factors
that may steadily make our institutions breeding grounds for ethnic patronage
rather than academic prowess.
To raise educational levels in Northern Nigeria without losing quality
standards, other strategies were adopted by successive governments, especially
the introduction of the national policy on education in 1977. These include
free primary education, Universal basic education and Mass Literacy Programmes,
with programmes specifically designed for nomads in northern Nigeria.
Nigeria is the most linguistically diverse country on the African continent,
if not the world. Also, while the continent has approximately 1000 distinct
languages, Nigeria has approximately 25 to 50% of these languages (The
Standard 10 report on Nigeria 2001). Though there is evident human linguistic
diversity, the report upholds that the interaction of people with each
other determine cultural forms and processes. This could explain the evident
cultural complexity in parts of Nigeria. For instance, while two groups
may be considered as one ethnic group because they speak the same language
and partake in similar economic activities, there may be reasons to view
them as disunited. This could be because differences abound in religious,
political, settlement type and educational preferences.
With colonial rule, about 400 West African ethnic groups were brought
together to form modern day Nigeria (Okonkwo, 1978). Out of the linguistically
vast nation, three ethnic groups-Hausa, Yoruba and Ibo are the three main
population groups in Northern, Western and Eastern Nigeria respectively.
With the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, their three
languages were recognised as the major languages for conducting proceedings
at the National Assembly.
As would be expected, the promotion of these ethnic groups and their languages
was hotly contested, criticized and rejected by speakers of minority languages.
Oha (1999) attests that vehement criticisms were based on the suspicion
that promoting these three languages was a clear indication of cultural
assimilation “…especially as language expresses and transmits
culture or is perceived as a signifier of cultural identity.” There
is also the fact that language promotion could be pointers to ethno-cultural
domination. That is reinforced by the fact that the three ethnic groups
have constantly produced successive leaders and contenders to the headship
of the nation.
Marriage is a very sensitive aspect of our coexistence in a multi-ethnic
society. Ordinary, we would assume that inter-ethnic marriages would foster
unity since it is believed that it would discourage kinsmen from engaging
in conflict with their in-laws.
While this may appear easy on paper or verbally, such feats are difficult
to attain. This could be because inter-ethnic marriages are often hindered
by cultural and religious differences. For instance, the family of an
Ibo woman from a typical Christian background would be reluctant to give
their daughter out in marriage to a Hausa Muslim. It is believed that
cultural and religious differences with regard to the perception and treatment
of women could ruin a marriage before it takes off. Also consider the
case of a Yoruba lady getting married to a Tiv man and being requested
to have sexual relationships with her husband's cherished visitor. Of
course, while the notion of wife hospitality may appear normal to the
Tiv people, it would appear weird to the Yoruba bride.
While I am not implying that inter-ethnic marriages do not occur, my summation
is that they are minimal and should be encouraged. For when we have relatives
in almost all ethnic groups in the country, peaceful existence could be
assured, for it is unlikely that brothers would go to war with one another.
With inter-ethnic marriages, people could be encouraged to adopt attractive
names from other Nigerian tribes. For now, people are afraid to adopt
names other than their tribe’s because even a name could cause one
to be marginalised in the allocation of scarce resources.
This is an aspect of our socio-cultural existence in which there is evident
mutual intermingling and appreciation. Previously, there was a trend towards
wearing mostly western clothes especially in the southern part of the
country. This has changed in recent times, as there is a greater appreciation
of traditional clothes.
The southern Nigerian has always been favourably disposed towards the
northern style of dress possibly due to their more cosmopolitan and liberal
views of events and trends, which includes dressing.
The dressing style of the middle belt has never really been accepted outside
their ethnic group, possibly because they have always been marginalised
in contemporary Nigerian society.
It is my opinion that with the mounting call for acceptance and relevance
in the mainstream of the society, and with increasing political and economic
self-determination and freedom from Northern control, the dressing style
of the people of the Middle belt will gradually gain popularity amongst
other ethnic groups in Nigeria.
In recent times, identifying ethnic groups based on dressing, especially
in the metropolitan areas, has become increasingly difficult, as there
is a high degree of homogeneity in the dress habits of the contemporary
Nigerian. This can be interpreted to mean greater acceptance of each other
and a desire for further social and cultural integration.
Music has always been one of the most powerful tools for self-expression,
especially amongst Africans, and the various tribes in Nigeria have made
great use of this means of expression. The fluid movement of dancers is
also used to convey messages rooted in our African past but relevant to
These forms of expression have gone a long way in fostering inter-ethnic
relationships as children are taught the various music and dance routines
of the several tribes that make up the entity called Nigeria as part of
their school curriculum. Also, during national and regional celebrations,
the music and dance routines of various ethnic groups are exhibited for
the enjoyment and appreciation of all.
group relationships and the right to power
It would be impossible to have a meaningful discussion of socio-cultural
factors and ethnic group relationships without addressing the political
implications. Conflict over control of power in Nigeria pervades all sphere
of life and assumes different forms- it could be a persistent rage between
the north and south, moslems and christians, minority and majority ethnic
groups, the rich and the poor. Whatever form it takes, caution is advised
in handling causes of disagreement.
Northern Nigeria has produced the Nation's military heads of State for
34 out of the 41 years of its Independence. More saddening is the fact
that those military administrations have contributed to ethnic group divisions
in the country. This is because since most of the high-ranking military
officers were of Hausa/Fulani origin, all efforts were directed at enhancing
the lot of the northerners during their long tenure in office.
The present transition to civil rule and Obasanjo's presidential ticket
could be related to calls for a shift in power from the north to the south
especialy as it is known that a southerner, Moshood Abiola, clearly won
the controversial June 12 election in 1993, but the northern military
rulers annulled the election, leaving the nation in a confused state for
about five (5) years and thus paved the way for increased tribal political
groupings and primordial loyalties. It therefore became more evident that
the key unifying factors that prevented some ethnic groups from seceding
is chiefly oil revenue and an aggressive military strength.
Probably to appease the injustice of the 1993 election, the last presidential
election was keenly contested between two (2) Yorubas - Olusegun Obasanjo
and Olu Falae.
The former emerged as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
On taking over the mantle of leadership, Obasanjo on the basis of State
identification, endeavoured to appoint Ministers and other top-level officials
from key ethnic groups. Nevertheless, several ethnic groups in Northern
and Southern Nigeria voiced their displeasure at being constantly marginalised.
Such disgruntlement, has sentenced the nation to a sad game of ethnic
politics where only the strong survive.
Not one to have his spirit dampened, the current President, Olusegun Obasanjo,
proffered this unique thesis on ethnicity:
The ethnic factor exists more with the elite who want power and office.
They are the people we have to watch. It is the elite that deserves special
appeal as the ordinary people do not pose any danger to the unity and
peace of the nation.
is adamant that the problem faced by the Nation lies with the educated
elite who instigate the mass of illiterate people in their ethnic groups
and encourage them to fight for the actualisation of what they do not
understand, telling them that it is for the enhancement of their standard
Other dimensions abound in this ethnic tousle. Ejibuwa (1999) pointed
out that there is a common tendency in plural societies to inflict the
view of the majority on minority ethnic groups and deny the minority the
means with which to satisfy their basic needs and make use of the opportunities
or benefits to be derived from being Nigerians. A typical case is the
ever-boiling Niger Delta, the enclave of minority ethnic groups that generate
over 85% of the country's oil wealth. Yet, these ethnic groups are plagued
with socio-economic and ecological problems that could be attributed to
"…certain ethnic groups who are simply interested in exploiting
the offices of the Nigerian State rather than its transformation."
At present, minority ethnic groups predominantly from Southern Nigeria,
have persistently asserted their claim to the presidential post because
they are tired of being marginalised regardless of the fact that they
produce the nation's oil wealth.
Group Relationships and Competition for Scarce Resources
One of the main causes of ethnic conflicts between the Yorubas and the
Igbos was the stiff competition for control of scarce national resources.
The Igbos who arrived late on the scene both in exposure to Western education
and to the cash economy rushed to catch up with the Yorubas in the 1950s
and 1960s. This ardent desire to catch up was viewed with anger and mistrust
because of the intrusive and aggressive determination of the Igbos.
Thus to Nwosu (1977:26), the scarcity of goods and services ultimately
gives more value to the limited goods hence the competition for such scarce
resources such as jobs, contracts, scholarships, political seats, career
opportunities is fierce.
A major cause of this deisre to grab and accumulate resources, a situation
that generates antagonistic relationships among peoples, is modernisation.
Modernisation has increased people's desire for more highly paid jobs,
better education, improved health facilities, good roads and other infrastructures
that would make life more confortable. Barongo (1987) in condemning the
quest for modernisation says:
The allocation of these resources has inevitably had to be politicised.
Opinion leaders and elite members of ethnic groups have invariably tended
to judge the development of the country in terms of the visible social
amenities available in their own ethnic areas…All this has tended
to create an environment conducive to inter-ethnic competition and rivalry.
aptly depicts what prevails in Nigeria. Competition pervades all spheres
of our existence. Now, to be recruited to fill an advertised position,
you must not only know people in power, but also come from the same ethnic
group or even practice the same religious faith as those Godfathers in
power that would be of help in actualisation your ambition. The same procedure
is adopted in even in the admission of young people to all Government
owned primary and tertiary institutions. Little wonder then that those
from minority ethnic groups or who neither have nor know those in power
should become frustrated with the system.
It is these frustrated products of our ethnic based society that are currently
plaguing our towns in the guise of "area boys" (thugs, or street
boys) and armed robbers.
From the foregone, it can be observed that Nigeria's socio-cultural environment
is characterised by differences with regard to the cultural heritage,
dressing, religious inclination and language of the various ethnic groups
and their patterns of contact with Western education. But caution is needed
in tackling the diverse needs of Nigeria's many ethnic groups and in taking
decisions to ensure that the nation's scarce resources reach a reasonable
percentage of the population rather than benefit only selected ethnic
groups or persons as as is now the case. More explicitly, the West Africa
Weekly Magazine (1996) summarised thus:
…because our societies comprise a multitude of religious, ethnic…
groups with competing interests, competing values and needs, conflict
is inevitable and natural to most societies… the challenge is how
to develop African political processes, institutions and cultures that
can mediate these competitions peacefully, routinely and in a way that
does not plunge our society into the spiral of conflict and violence
I must add,
at this point, that when tackling the issue of ethnic conflicts in our
environment, it is be important to note that those that appear as stable
societies world-wide are not necessary the ones that are devoid of conflict,
but the ones that have, with experience, learned to manage conflicts to
thwart explosive situations. The duty facing Nigerian leaders therefore
is the need to reeducate people on the various socio-cultural factors
that frustrate ethnic group relationships. These leaders should also examin
previous solutions to the problems and look for alternative strategies,
not necessarily to totally eradicate the problem, but to seek to understand
ways to effectively manage ethnic conflicts in order to enhance social
advancement and economic development.
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"Special Issue on Conflicts in Africa: What Role for Civil Society?"
1723 June, 1996
The ideas and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author
and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNESCO.
Les idées et opinions exprimées dans cet article sont
celles de l'auteur
et n’engagent pas la responsabilité de l´UNESCO.