Conflicts and the Problem of Resolution in Contemporary Africa: A Case
for African Options and Alternatives
E. A. Obioha
Sociology, Faculty of the Social Sciences
of Ibadan, Nigeria
In the last few decades most African nation-states have been going
through difficult times of ethnic conflicts, violence and antagonism.
These conflicts have been unable to be resolved through the long adopted
western models and paradigms of conflict management.
This paper is therefore designed as a response and contribution towards
the on going debates and search for new ways to conflict management in
Africa. The discussion focused on the examination of the contexts and
dynamics of ethnic conflicts in Africa. Precisely, some of the forms,
causes, and the underlying consequences of such with reference to some
recent scenario in the continent was discussed. One of the major issues
pointed out is how imperialism and colonialism impacted on ethnicity and
ethnic conflicts which are traceable to the colonial masters systems of
administration, arbitrary delimitation and partitioning the continent.
This paper also borders on how persistent these conflicts have been
and how the various western models and paradigms of conflict management
have failed on the altar of peace deliberations due to their inadequacy
to fit in properly into the Africa context. In conclusion, African traditional
alternatives to conflict resolution were suggested for adoption in the
In the past few decades or nearly half of a century, African societies
and the emergent nation states have been undergoing difficult times in
terms of ethnic conflicts and antagonisms. This is not to say that conflicts
did not exist prior to this period. The history and oral tradition of
most African societies contain elements of conflicts and ethnic conflicts,
and intra ethnic conflict situations.
The problem at present in the contemporary African societies is the rage
and magnitude of these ethnic problems. Ethnic conflicts have taken different
shapes and dimensions which vary from those of the pre-colonial period.
Most African scholars have argued that in as much as ethnic conflicts
in Africa preceded the advent of colonial masters, the problem was indeed
exacerbated and effected by the colonial administrative machinery in their
colonies. Investigation into forms and causes of these conflicts in the
contemporary Africa are of significance for a proper management of the
situation. What is being suggested now is not total eradication of the
problem which seems impossible, rather a better option to be adopted remains
the answer to the problem. This becomes the case because the existing
ways and means of handling the ethnic conflicts in Africa have not yielded
much sustaining results. Against this background, it is evident that there
has been a persistence of ethnic conflicts culminating to destruction
of lives, property and traditional authorities and institutions in Africa.
A cursory look reveals that over 2/3 of the emergent African nation-states
have undergone or are undergoing serious ethnic conflicts. With reference
to the work or Ikeazor (1996) Nigeria, Congo, Sudan, Sierra Leone, Ghana,
South Africa, Rwanda, to mention but a few among others have been reduced
to theatres of conflicts and ethnic struggles. These struggles may not
have a decisive end if nothing urgent is done to save the ugly situation.
In light of the preceding positions, this paper examines the forms,
causes consequences and the management or resolution strategies of ethnic
conflicts in contemporary African societies. Which will purposively highlight
on the inadequacies of the management strategies in place and the suggestion
of African alternatives in such situations.
and nature of ethnic conflicts in contemporary Africa
There are varieties of ethnic conflicts in the present African nation-states
or societies. Conflicts are either jawjaw (war of words) or war war. It
begins from the point of simple disagreement to a point where open violence
becomes inevitable and a continuous hostile environment is perpetuated
(Osaghae 1993). On a similar note, ethnic conflicts can be classified
in a number of ways. There may be a distinction between public realm ethnicity
which involves conflicts related to the determination of who gets what,
when and how, and private realm ethnicity that may not invite state intervention
(Osaghae 1994). In relation to the above what obtains most in Africa is
public realm ethnicity. This may be partly because of the limited development
of the private sector in most African societies, though ethnicity in the
two realms is recursive (Rahushka and Sheplse. 1972).
Another dimension in the classification of ethnic conflicts in Africa
apart from the population descriptive analysis above is the degree of
manifestation. On this note, ethnic conflict may be latent or manifest.
The latent forms are those that are non-violent per se. Even though they
may be destructive in nature or lead to sporadic violence, they are indeed
grievances and underground vexations. This may be similar to what is regarded
as cold war in the international political arena. In this situation there
are inherent hatred among ethnic groups and enclaves. Osaghae (1994) posits
that ethnic conflicts are not always violent. More usual or "normal" conflicts
are non-violent and occur as part of normal life. In most cases, they
are underground or latent and may not be obvious to the observer. We may
refer to non-violent ethnic conflicts as civil, ethnic conflict which
can take the form of competitive party politics, judicial redress, media
protests, and in some cases peaceful demonstrations. On the opposite side
of this case is the manifest or violent conflicts which represent only
one extreme of a continuum. It is when channels of expression are closed
or government fails to respond or responds negatively that conflicts can
take violent forms (Osaghae 1994).
The forms and nature of ethnic conflicts described above are interestingly
what can be categorized as interethnic conflicts. Not withstanding the
degree of manifestation, or whether people that are involved are private
or public realm, the underlying factor is their bearings on inter ethnicity.
This brings the focus of this paper to the issue of interethnic violence
in Africa. In fact the history and picture of ethnic conflicts in Africa
that has been popularized is one of ethnic groups tearing themselves apart
and failing to reach agreement on fundamental matters. The inter ethnic
violence which Agyeman (1992) term "ethnic genocidal wars that continue
to erupt over land and other matters of purely local nature in Zagon Kataf
/ Hausa conflict Tiv / jukun conflict, and lbo / Annang conflict in Nigeria,
Konkomba / Narumba conflict and Nawauri / Gonga conflict in Ghana and
Topose and Dongiro (Southern Sudanese groups) Kokuro Mayatta conflict
in Kenya have been cited as classical cases of ethnic violence. On the
other hand, civil wars in Nigeria, Ethiopia, Somalia, Chad, Angola, Rwanda,
Sudan and Mozambique indicate the ethnic scourge perspectives (Osaghae,
There are also instances of intraethnic violence in Africa, such among
the Modakeke / Ife in Nigeria to mention but one example. It is note worthy
that intra ethnic conflicts wherever they occur may be violent but not
exactly comparable to what obtains in the interethnic conflicts. One of
the reasons behind this may be presence of ethnic consciousness and binding
factors which are almost nonexistence outside a particular ethnic enclave.
Ethnic conflicts can also be classified or categorized on the basis
of their pervasiveness or regularity and intensity. In this regard, among
African nation-states the degree, intensity and frequency of occurrence
of ethnic conflict varies. For instance, the problem of ethnicity and
the antecedent problems is more evident in Nigeria, Cameroon, Uganda and
Sudan than it is in Benin, Zimbabwe and Tanzania (Osaghae 1994). Lately,
ethnic conflicts are on the increase in Rwanda, Liberia, Sierraleone,
South Africa, Mozambique, Zaire (Congo Democratic Republic) and Burundi.
Having discussed the forms and nature of ethnic conflicts in Africa, it
is important also to examine the underlying factors or causes of these
and the underlying factors of ethnic conflicts en Africa
As the problem of ethnic conflict in Africa is real and wide spread, there
is a need to examine from an anthropological cum historical perspective
what might have been responsible for the occurrence of these conflicts.
Ethnic conflicts may be a product of several factors among which is the
structural ethnic consciousness, colonial factors and unhealthy competitions.
Among these factors, colonialism is seen as the cardinal and pivotal context
which gave rise to other issues that precipitated ethnic rivalries and
conflict situations in Africa.
Consciousness of ones ethnic origin or background is a psycho-sociological
reality that is largely universal in nature. Ethnic consciousness may
be described as that subconscious or conscious identification with ones
ethnic background. Such identification may sometimes be unobtrusive, subtle,
and largely unnoticed by others. On the other hand, it may be obtrusive
and crudely insensitive. Ethnic consciousness amongst people can be found
in many multicultural societies in varying degrees, in conflict or coexistence
with other forms of consciousness such as class, religious or national
consciousness (Ikeazor 1996). From this point of view, a high degree of
ethnic consciousness or unguarded ethnic consciousness can result to ethnic
tension and conflict where two opposing view converge. There are more
of ideological framework towards ethnic rivalry and conflict situation.
Depending on the direction of consciousness, national consciousness may
be a strong factor towards nation building. On the negative aspect which
we are more concerned about, ethnic consciousness may entirely be divisive,
and of parochial form. These undesirable forms of consciousness have,
particularly in their unfettered forms, plunged many nations into quagmires
of blood letting strife and instability. Ethnic consciousness also known
as tribalism in some forms in Nigeria in its extreme level reduced Uganda
from one of Africa's most promising countries to one of the poorest. It
is the same form of consciousness among some South African blacks that
is putting their country's post apartheid future in jeopardy. In 1994
about five hundred thousand Rwandans women, children, men, old and young
died, butchered by their countrymen consumed by the most bitter ethnic
prejudice (Ikeazor 1996). The ingredients of ethnic consciousness have
been negatively harnessed by the African emergent unpatriotic leaders
who usually bank on ethnic sentiments and arguments for their selfish
Ethnic consciousness provides African leaders with platforms for
their ideological and morally deficient political positions. The ruling
class in order to sustain their position confuse their various peoples
with conflict generating theories and explanations in the face of social
and political questions facing them. Ethnic conflict in some cases have
been generated as a result of this singular factor. In Nigeria for instance,
the episode in the fifties during the first republic at the Western House
of Assembly, which denied the Easterner non-Yoruba member from becoming
the first Premier of Western region culminated in an enduring ethnic conflict
among the two major conflict groups involved and the consequent ethnic
group that had the fattest blow. Although, as earlier mentioned these
conflicts are not necessarily violent, rather they are latent and underground
Apart from the ethnic consciousness which is more of an ideological framework
or background to ethnic conflicts in Africa, there is the issue of colonialism,
and westernization contexts and situations that gave rise to and even
promoted ethnic rivalry and conflict in Africa. These include the political
structure, economic and social transformation of the traditional societies
to nation-states. They are mostly the artificial creations of the colonial
masters in their bid to capture Africa's sense of unity.
In the first place, colonial administration in Nigeria created interlocking
conflicts situation through their pattern of administration. For Osaghae
(1994) conflicts in Africa are both inevitable and expected. This is not
because Africa is the bedrock of conflicts, but because of its peculiar
recent history. From the pre-colonial period through the colonial and
post-colonial periods, Africa has been the centre of all kinds of conflicts.
These conflicts have had to do, not simply with interests that are fleeting
or permanent, or more entrenched than those anywhere else, but interests
that have had the ring of continuity in the midst of changes across the
ages and across the periods of African history. What we have today is
a manifestation of a historical evolution that has made conflicts, inevitable
and crisis the major feature of African situation. If we periscope the
facts from the present, it would probably be true to say that what we
are witnessing in Africa today, whether in Liberia or Somalia, in Rwanda
or South Africa or even in Nigeria, is actually manifestation of the enormous
contradictions that exist on the African continent". African states are
artificial creations and to a large extent opposite to the organismic
theory of state creation. The various organized and functioning nations
were brought together differently, diversified as they were before the
colonial experience by the grace of colonial forces which destroyed the
traditional African political systems. Ordinarily, when people with different
historical experiences, diverse cultures, varying economic conditions
and political systems are brought together, conflict is inevitable among
them. This case is evident in almost all African nation-states.
Secondly, the colonial creation did not just end with the act of state
creation and imposition of values on the existing societies. The colonial
masters went ahead to manipulate, playing one group against the other
in order to promote mutual antagonisms among African peoples. It could
be true to say that some of the manifested conflicts that we have in Africa
today actually date back to the beginning or the colonial divide and rule
policies. In Nigeria, for instance, Lord Lugard's colonial administration
created and made use of docile rulers where they were in existence and
the warrant chiefs where there are no substantive central political system
such as among the Ibo's or the South Eastern Nigeria.
From the historical evidence, the colonial masters to a great extent contributed
immensely to what we experience as incessant ethnic conflicts in most
parts of Northern Nigeria. There, during colonialism the Hausa / Fulani
Emirs were imposed on the non-Hausa Fulani ethnic nations. The leaders
of these nonHausa / Fulani groups were made to suffer tremendously for
any act of disobedience to the artificially instituted authorities. It
is the nostalgia of these incidences that provided the easy ground for
the Zangokataf / Hausa conflict in 1992. Similarly the use of ethnicity
by the British colonial authorities in their divide and rule methods left
a number of undesirable legacies for the newly independent Nigeria in
Today, not many Nigerians will be aware that the colonial authorities
introduced segregated quarters known as Sabon Gari and Tudan Wada in several
Northern. Nigeria cities for "stranger" coming to settle from the south
and other parts of Nigeria and the indigenes respectively (Ikeazor 1996).
The segregated quarters policy was one of many divisive plots hatched
by the colonial authorities that preferred not to foster close communal
relations between the various communities and ethnic groups of their Nigerian
colony. Nnoli (1989) dealt with this question extensively with particular
reference to one interethnic riot instigated in the Northern Nigeria by
the colonial officials in Jos Plateau.
Another fundamental or root issue in ethnic conflict in Africa is the
multiethnic factor. Like ethnic consciousness, multi-ethnicity is a natural
context within which most African nation-states found themselves. Although,
the two related conditions have been grossly exploited and abused by the
colonial masters and the African nationalist leaders for their selfish
interest. This situation usually result to manifest conflictual condition
where one or a few groups dominate as in Nigerian case. In this case,
the ethnic game is mainly played among the majority groups afflicted by
a majority domination complex, while the minorities have to endlessly
fight for fair treatment (Osaghae 1994). In Nigeria where a recent estimate
has put the number of ethnic groups at 374 (Otite, 1990), the Hausa /
Fulani, Yoruba and Ibo are the fronfline ethnic actors, In Ghana with
no iess than 30 groups, the Akan and Eve have been the major contestants
for power, and in post 1980 Liberia, the Krahn and Mano / Gio battled
out of other 16 groups.
The ethnic consciousness, colonial administration and multi-ethnicity
have been identified and discussed as the major root contexts of ethnic
conflicts in African nation-states. Other factors that can be considered
as immediate and very important factors include related social conflicts,
the character of ethnic demands and interest articulation; the extent
and legitimacy of ethnicity and quality of management; the balance between
economic and political control; the degree of decentralization of government,
structure, competition for scarce resources, competition for state power,
minority nationalism and cultural superiority and imposition (Osaghae
Some conflicts in Africa today have been attributed to deep ethnic demand
and interest articulation. These demands when foreclosed by an authoritarian
government usually give rise to violent conflicts. This was the case in
Liberia, Ethiopia, Chad, Sudan and Rwanda. Even where the channels of
ethnic struggle and articulation are legitimate and open, mismanagement
of the ethnicity variables may equally lead to conflict situations. For
instance where the ruling class pays lip service to ethnic demand other
than those by their own ethnic groups, as Doe did in Liberia, ethnic conflicts
are likely to exceed normal limits (Osaghae 1994).
Control of economic and political power is yet another source of incessant
conflicts among ethnic groups in emergent African nation-states. Precisely
the proportion of which groups that produce the national wealth have access
to political power or excluded from it may account for ethnic conflicts
in the nation. Usually, where the wealth producing ethnic groups feel
cheated or marginalized in the scheme of things, in extreme cases, it
may lead to separatist tendencies.
Similar to the above factor is the degree and centralization or decentralization
and government structures and powers. While Barongo (1989) in his comparative
study in the Nigeria and Uganda situation concluded that ethnic conflicts
tend to be higher and more severe under a centralized administration,
Wunsch and Olowu, (1990) on the other hand discovered that decentralization
does better than centralization of power. From this notes, fear of domination
of one ethnic group by another or others may lead to serious resistance
moves if under centralized government. In the Nigerian case, fear of ethnic
domination led to some serious ethnic conflicts among the Ibo and Hausa
ethnic groups in the mid 1960s. Specifically, the introduction of the
unitary system of government and the abolishing of regional structures
by the Aguiyi Ironsi administration brought about fear of domination among
the Hausas who resorted to violence and ethnic struggle against the Ibos.
In the economic sense, resources are descriptively scarce in relation
to demand. Relatively, competition for scarce resources may be considered
as one of the patent sources of ethnic conflicts in Africa. This is perhaps
the most popular explanation for ethnic conflicts worldwide (Osagha 1994).
As Nelson and Wolpe (1970) pointed out, in the context of Africa, the
integration of different groups through colonialism into a peripheral
capitalist formation brought new and competitive notions of development,
and heightened existing conflicts and produced new ones among groups.
In this regard, competition for public jobs, admission into schools,
distribution of state resources among others constitute a source of conflict.
Similar to the issue of competition for scarce resources is the
share of power. The state in Africa is neither neutral nor an arbitrator,
it is itself a focal point of competition and an actor in conflict as
Rupesinghe (1989) opined which many scholars believe also Bates, (1981)
Chazan (1983) Rothchild and Olurunsola (1983) and Wunsch (1990) who concluded
that ethnic conflict can be seen to be produced more by the (state's)
threatening actions regarding the various communities which sustain peoples'
lives than by any intrinsic hostility among African peoples. In Nigeria,
Sudan and Liberia for instance, the ethnicization of state power led to
civil war (Osaghae 1994).
In recent time, the question of ethnic minority right, have been bothering
most African states. This issue in many states has led to violent conflicts
at the extreme case. Practically in African states, with very few exceptions,
the minorities are usually marginalized and oppressed which is a constant
source of their opposition to dominant group. The minority nationalism
may be in form of resistance against the imposition of a dominant language
as a lingua franca or ques for equitable distribution of resources which
are derived from their own territory as it s the case in Nigeria. Minority
ethnic groups usually from the southern part of Nigeria have in recent
time in the democratic transition asserted their right to the presidency.
Their grievances have been that they are marginalized irrespective of
the fact that they produce the of the country's oil wealth.
From the foregoing position, it is deducible that ethnic conflict is usually
instigated by both remote or what can be referred to as root factors and
the immediate contexts. Usually any pronounced conflict situation would
have taken a course or more of the kinds already discussed.
of ethnic conflicts in Africa
Whatever the underlying factors or the precipitating contexts of ethnic
conflicts in Africa nation-states, there are bound to be consequences
which are usually negative and retrogressive to the country's survival.
One of the prominent outcomes of ethnic struggle and conflict in African
has been civil war or violence. Many countries in Africa have been dragged
into the theatre of wars in this case. For instance, in 1967, Africa most
populous nation Nigeria after a years orgy of ethnic conflict and violence
descended into a full scale civil war. At the end of the Nigeria civil
war 1970, over a million lay dead, bombed, shot or starved to death. The
Congolese civil war which broke out shortly before Nigeria had reduced
the country to shamble and left it with one of the vile dictatorships
the continent had known by the time it was over. Evidence of civil wars
and bloody genocide are still in countries like Sudan, Liberia, Sierra
Leone, Rwanda and Burundi to mention but a few. In Rwanda, half a million
to a million people were slaughtered in a matter of months in middle of
1994. "Their crime was that they come from the wrong ethnic group" (Ikeazor,
1996). This made Ikeazor to conclude that the underlying theme in most
of the conflicts in Africa is ethnic division or ethnicity. Within the
context of civil wars which is the most pronounced outcome of ethnic conflicts,
other factors or contexts have specifically been linked to ethnic conflicts.
These include economic, political and social predicaments.
Economically, civil wars resulting from ethnic tensions and conflicts
usually plunge nations and countries into economic mess. Ordinarily during
civil wars and violence, property which is highly valued is destroyed.
Houses are burnt, and some economic resources vandalized. Nigeria, Liberia,
Sierra Leone and other countries that witnessed civil strife will attest
to this fact. Various economic operations usually get to a halt, for instance,
during the Liberia civil war, their economic production stopped. Ethnic
violence in Nigeria currently in the Niger Delta area has partially paralyzed
economic exploration of crude oil in that zone. The ethnic tension between
the ljaws, the Itshekiris, and the Urhobos has seriously affected the
business of oil companies located in that area. In the process, economic
setbacks are usually experienced. The intra-ethnic strife in Ogoni land
resulted in the loss of life of a notable contributor in African literature
Ken Saro Wiwa. The Liberian conflict led to far reaching death consequences
on the people. West Africa (1993) showed bones and remains of killed civilian
plantation workers in Liberia. The conflict also had other consequences
on soldiers, children and civilians. Other social consequences of ethnic
conflict include lack of trust and prejudice among citizenry. These are
few among the various consequences of ethnic conflict situations in Africa.
conflict intervention strategies in Africa
Due to the consequences of ethnic conflicts it has became an issue of
serious attention among African nation-states particularly on how best
to resolve the conflicts. Presently, African nation-states have devised
various means of attending to ethnic conflicts in their various domains.
The issue still remains that these means do not resolve conflicts rather
they assist in managing the situation. Hence, it is important to examine
some of the conflict management strategies adopted in African states.
These include, the constitutional means, granting of local autonomy, inter-ethnic
linkage, economic deregulation and welfare programmes in Nigeria as a
case in point.
Inter ethnic linkages have been adopted in order to foster better relationships
among people from different ethnic groups. In Nigeria for instance several
policies have been initiated since independence in 1960. The unity schools
were established to cater for students from all parts of the federation.
In 1973, the General Gowon regime also introduced the National Youth Service
Corps Programme. Similar programmes were introduced in Kenya and Zimbabwe
among other African countries.
In view of the incessant ethnic tension and fear of domination, the federal
government of Nigeria devised a means of coping with the situation through
creation of local government areas with degrees of autonomy conferred
on them. Local autonomy thus induces a sense of self-government and reduces
fear of domination. This is in the same direction of Barongo (1989) in
advocating decentralization as a strategy of ethnic conflict management.
Most Africa countries have introduced one form of decentralization to
local government or the other but the problem Osaghae (1994) indicated
the unwillingness of the central government to let local localities become
independent. Although, the degree of autonomy is an integral part of the
constitutional provisions or the country. Yet there are constitutional
provisions which tend to deal with the management of ethnic conflicts
as the case may be in African countries since their constitutional development.
The constitutional provisions include, the fundamental human rights which,
to a great extent, are universal. As part of the management strategies,
it is believed that the guarantee of human rights is a prerequisite for
ethnic management, although practice has shown that this guarantee is
not sufficient (Osaghae 1994). For instance as Osaghae pointed out, the
notion of group rights struggle featured prominently in the transition
to the third republic in Nigeria especially on the part of minorities
groups who argued that it is the only way by which their marginalization
can be overcome. Other issues that are part of the constitutional provision
include, the federal character principle, the zoning or rotational formula
for sharing of political and economic power. In view of this, constitutional
sociologists argued trial a constitution is a deliberate solution to problems
elicited by the society (Livingstone 1952; 1956). Contrary to this position,
Slabbert and Welsh, (1979) posited that constitutions are not sufficient
conditions for regulation of conflict. They have to be complemented and
underpinned by a surge of other formal and informal devices and institutions
that focus directly on the conflict. Invariably, the existing conflict
resolution mechanism are westernized and un-indigeneous. At the extreme,
armed conflicts and violence are managed through arms. The instance of
Liberia, and other African countries come to mind. In these countries,
the various ethnic conflicts situations have been suppressed by armed
strategies. But the problem is that these strategies are temporary and
not enduring enough to resolve the existing conflicts situations in African
countries. Hence, ethnic conflicts persist with an unforeseeable end.
The question then is what are the various conflict resolution strategies
existing in African societies which have been jettisoned for the formal
western alternatives since colonialism?
The informal systems or ethnic conflict resolution are indeed what should
be the major focus on the African nation-states in resolving ethnic differences.
These informal systems in African context way involve mobilization of
local efforts believed to be an effective and right approach to ethnic
conflict situations, Edevbie (1999). The council of elders and joint community
delegations which are part of African culture is simply adequate in our
present dispensation and predicament. These means are not really constitutional,
that is written down in the country's constitution, nevertheless, they
may be practically effective. Non-constitutional solutions as Diof (1990)
argued are usually pragmatic, expedient solutions which by their nature
may be difficult to institutionalize.
In the present dispensation of ethnic conflicts in African nation-states,
the western, formal system of conflict management have not really saved
the situation. In instances where they have been applied, they have only
acted as management rather that means of resolving the conflicts. The
search for an enduring resolution mechanism is still relevant. Although,
through the existing literatures and observation, there are traditional,
informal systems that have not yet been utilized and the present scenario.
There is then an urgent need to revitalize those existing systems for
a more functional and responsive society. It is therefore believed that
scholars in African issues and Africanists should concentrate on finding
solutions to African ethnic crisis within (culture) rather than embracing
the western paradigms that are practically non-functional to the African
situation. This conference is therefore left with the deliberations on
these strategies in developing consultation with the indigenous institutions.
I.D.F. (1992) "Over: and Covert Ethnic Conflicts in the Distribution
of Economic and Political Power in Ghana" CODESRIA Seminar on Ethnic Conflicts.
Barongo, Y. (1989) "Ethnic Pluralism and Political Centralisation:
The Basin of conflict, in K Rupseinghe ed. Conflict Resolution in Uganda
(Oslor International Peace Research Institute and James Cuney).
Bates, R. (1981) Markets and States in Tropical Africa. Berkeley
University of Califomia Press.
Chazan, N. (1983) An Anatomy of Ghanaian Politics: Managing Political
Recession 1969-1982 Boulder Westview Press.
Diouf, M. (1990) "Overview of the Senegalese Situation" in ACARTSOD,
Ethnicity Citizenship. Stability and SocioEconomic Development in Africa
Edevbie O. (1999) "Niger Delta Crisis, False Allegation by the
ifsekiri Survival Movement of Urhobo attack on Ishekiri. "The Guardian
Newspaper, June 21, 1999.
Ekeazor, C. (1996) The Ethnic Factor. A Treatise and a Tale. New
Millenium, London Livingstone W.A. (1952) "A note on the Nature of Federalism"
Political Studies Quartery Vol. LXII, No. 2.
Livingston, W.A. (1956) Federalism and Constitutional Change, Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Melson, R & Wolpe, H. (1970) "Modernisation and the Politics
of Communalism. A Theoretical Perspective, "American Political Science
Review, Vol. 64, No. 4.
Nnoli, O. (1989) Conflict Polities in Africa, Ibadan Vintage.
Osaghae E. (1993)" Manifestation of Conflict Situations in Africa"
B.W Andah and K Bolarinwa ed. A Celebration of Africa's Roots and Legacy
Fajee Publications Limited, Ibadan.
Osaghae, E. (1994) Ethnicity and Its Management n Africa., The
Democratization Link. CASS Occasional Monograph, No. 2, Malthouse Press.
Otite, O. (1990) Ethnic Pluralism and Ethnicitv in Nigeria. Ibadan
Rebushka, A & Shepsle K A. (1972) politics in Plural Societies, A
Theory of Democratic Instability. Columbus; Charles E Merrill.
Rothchild, D. & Olownsola V. A. (1983) "Managing Competing
State and Conflict Claims" in their ed. State Versus Ethnic Claims: African
Policy Dilemmas. Boulder. Westview.
Rupsinghe. K. (1989) "internal Conflicts and their Resolution:
The case of Uganda" in his ed (Conflict Resolution in Uganda, Oslo IPR).
Slabbert, F, Van zyl & Welsh, D. (1979) South Africa's Options
Strategies for Sharing Power. Cape Town David Philip.
West Africa News Magazine (1993) 14th 20th June, Pg 990; 26th July
1st August Pg 1292 and 1293.
Wunsch, L. S. (1990) "Beyond the Failure of the Centralized State;
Toward Self Governance and an Alternative Institutional Paradigm in Wunsch,
I and Olowu, D. (ed) The Failure of the Centralized States: Institution's
and Self Governance in Africa. Boulder Westview.
Wunsch I. & Oluwu, D. (1990) "The Failure of the Centralized
African" in Failure of the Centralized State.
and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author
and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNESCO.
et opinions exprimées dans cette article sont celles de l'auteur
et n’engagent pas la responsabilité de l´UNESCO.